Adams. He was an expert in that line; and he was vigorously censured for everything he did and for everything he did not do. He was not apparently in unison with the humor of the age. He had, too, a faculty for disagreements; and he was not in harmony with his cabinet or his party. In the midst of the turmoil and political demoralization, the newspapers went raving mad and attacked the government, statesmen, citizens, and each other with indecent ferocity. The epithets of rogue, liar, scoundrel, and villain were common terms. "It was a pleasure to live in those good old days, when a Federalist could knock a Republican down in the streets and not be questioned about it," said one of the New York Congressmen of that era in his old age. Vice-President Jefferson was cool and patient, and by no means an uninterested spectator. Nor did he hesitate to turn everything practicable to his own personal advantage in the way of influence.

But quite another and a different man now steps forward in the catalogue of unsuccessful candidates. Aaron Burr had hitherto occupied a very limited space in public notice. He had taken a high position at the New York bar; and he had been six years in Congress, and yet had never originated any political idea or measure. He was thirteen years younger than Jefferson-younger, indeed, than most of the public men of his time. In audacity he was matchless. His rise was more rapid than that of any other person who ever played a prominent part in national affairs. His star seemed to fairly canter into the skies. The cause is well known. The Republican party was hydra-headed-had never been consolidated. New York was the great center of its power. Yet through old family feuds and other reasons it was chopped up into factions. The Clintons were at the head of one faction, the Livingstons of another, and so on. Burr was essentially a lazy man, but he had a genius for seizing the few salient points of a great operation, and making more out of these than the multitude could by touching every detail. He was never diffuse. His selfcomposure was rarely if ever ruffled in the least. He was small of stature, well-formed, with black, piercing eyes, and an irresistibly pleasing address. He saw and grasped the situation. New York must be revolutionized. By a concurrent calculation the results of the Presidential election for 1801 were made to rest upon the vote of New York alone-and even upon the members of Assembly to be chosen in the City of New York at the spring election of 1800, as Presidential electors were to be chosen by the Legislature in joint ballot. Defeat for the Republicans seemed certain. Burr consulted with Jefferson, and ostensiby worked for Jefferson. He drafted an imposing list of names for the New York City ticket, adroitly placing

that of George Clinton first. Then came that of General Horatio Gates, who was bitterly opposed to Hamilton and Schuyler; and next that of Judge Brockholst Livingston, son of Governor William Livingston of revolutionary fame. Each of these three would naturally refuse to act with the others, and each had personal aims, claims, and jealousies. Thus all Burr's talents for intrigue and persuasion were given full play. After repeated interviews Livingston consented to have his name used, provided Clinton and Gates were prevailed upon to do likewise. Gates was next attacked, and through an extraordinary display of Burr's peculiar tactics finally yielded so far as to promise to stand if Clinton would. Then Burr approached Clinton. This was a more difficult undertaking. It was well understood that Clinton had pretensions to the Presidency. He did not like Jefferson, and he liked Burr less than Jefferson. To be asked to stand for the New York Assembly for the sole purpose of helping Jefferson into the Presidential chair, brought heavy lines into his stern face. The solicitation coming too from an aspiring man, who was only a mere stripling aide-de-camp when he (Clinton) was the foremost man in the State, was humiliating in the extreme. He was deaf to all arguments for a time. Burr was alive with fruitful expedients; and he was so gentle and courteous withal, that if he failed in one visit he could presently make another. Clinton refused and refused to have his name used. Burr, finally, with captivating sweetness told him that it was the inherent right of a community to command the services of a man of superior ability in a great and grave crisis, and that the party were determined to nominate and elect him whether he' would or no.

Clinton at last made the slight concession that he would not publicly repudiate the nomination. He also agreed to refrain during the canvass from his customary and emphatic denunciation of Jefferson. He kept his promise; but neither he, nor his rising nephew, De Witt Clinton, nor any of his relatives, personally assisted in the campaign.

Burr, wiry, sharp eyed and ever on the alert, worked with telling effect. He personally superintended the making of lists of voters, with the political and other history of each appended in parallel columns. To this was added every crumb of information to be had as to their opinions, health, habits, temperament, etc. The committee on finance jotted down the names of the principal men whom they proposed to solicit for funds, and looking over this list, Burr remarked that a certain politician, equally distinguished for zeal and parsimony, was assessed one hundred dollars. "Strike it out," he exclaimed; "you will not get the money, and from the moment the demand is made upon him his exertions will cease, and you will not see

him at the polls." He next noticed one hundred dollars placed against the name of a man who was liberal with his purse but indolent. "Double this," said Burr, " and tell him no labor will be expected of him, except an occasional attendance in the committee room to help fold the tickets." The result was as predicted. The lazy man paid the money with a smile, and the stingy man worked day and night.

At the polls not a point was lost. Burr was, with the exception of Hamilton, the most active and industrious man during that exciting period in North America. The contest ended with the first Republican triumph in our annals. The city had been carried by a majority of four hundred and ninety votes. The news took the whole country by surprise. The coming victory in the autumn was thereby confidently assured. By a policy intangible and indescribable, the elements of Republicanism had been brought into a united and invincible body. The price of Burr's local achievements was candidacy for the Vice-Presidency, and it was granted with bad grace. He was eminently unsuccessful in the matter of inspiring confidence. The Federalists selected Adams and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. There was some thought of withdrawing a few Federalist votes from Adams, that Pinckney might be made President, but the project was abandoned. When the result of the election was made known, all parties were in a frenzy of disappointment, for there was a tie: Jefferson and Burr had each received the same number of votes-seventy-three. Adams had received sixty-five, and Pinckney sixty-four. The decision, therefore, rested with the House of Representatives, voting by States. As there were sixteen States in the Union, another difficulty arose when Congress assembled as to the majority necessary for a choice. The Republicans could not control the choice, and the Federalists had the power, by holding steadily together, to prevent any election whatever. Thirty-five ballotings ended alike. The House had resolved in the morning not to adjourn until a President was chosen. One member, too ill to leave his bed, was borne on a litter to the Capitol, and his wife sat by him and administered his medicines; the ballot-boxes were carried to his couch that he might not miss a ballot. All day, all night and until noon of the next day the balloting went on, until the exhausted legislators "begged for a dispensation from their own regulation," and agreed to take a recess. For seven days the country was in the most troubled excitement. Finally the influence of Hamilton was brought to bear upon the situation; the Federalist representative from Vermont absented himself, and the two Federalists from Maryland dropped blank ballots into the box. Thus at the close of the seventh day, ten States, a sufficient majority to satisfy the law, voted for

From the painting by Vandyke-to which is appended a certificate from Burr, under his well-known signature, dated" January 1, 1834," in these words: "I certify that the Portrait by Vandyke is the best Likeness ever Painted of me since 1809."

Jefferson, and he was declared President. Burr was really the most unsuccessful of the unsuccessful candidates in this election. He came out of the fray badly singed and blackened. Morally he was a failure from the beginning. Politically he had betrayed trust by aiming for the Presidency,

in defiance of the well-known wishes of his party. And his unscrupulous and marvelous aptitude for intrigue alienated all honest men. He was Vice-President for the subsequent four years; but his course was downward. His star had reached its zenith, and was descending swiftly toward the setting sun.

The portrait of Burr which was published in the Magazine for September, 1883, represents him at the age when best known to the American public. The portrait of Burr given in connection with this article, is from an exceedingly rare copy of Vandyke's painting, in his advanced years, for which the Magazine is indebted to the priceless collection and the generous courtesy of Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet.

The unsuccessful candidates in the fifth Presidential election were Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, George Clinton, and Rufus King. Burr was dropped out of consideration altogether in the nominating caucus, and in his after attempt to secure the governorship of New York, vacated by George Clinton, the duel came to pass in which Hamilton fell. The Republicans were now so decidedly in the ascendant that Jefferson and Clinton received one hundred and sixty-two electoral votes each; and there was no ambiguity about which should be President, and which Vice-President.

The Twelfth Amendment to the Constitution had just been adopted, its necessity having been made apparent by the long contest in the House about Jefferson and Burr in 1801. The Republicans began to call themselves Democrats by this time, and interesting feuds sprung up in many places, like tares in a wheat field. Never had there been such an overwhelming victory. Pinckney and King received only fourteen votes each. Even Massachusetts, to the surprise and chagrin of the vanquished, went for Jefferson. Pinckney was a South Carolinian, a statesman of personal elegance, family, and fortune, born in 1746. He was educated for the bar in England, at Westminster, Oxford, and the Temple. Cyril Jackson, subpreceptor of the prince who became George IV., was his private tutor at Oxford. He had hardly established himself in the practice of his profession in this country when the war broke out, and he passed through every vicissitude of a soldier's life. Later, in the councils of the nation he successively declined three important offices, that of chief justice, and the two secretaryships of State and War. From 1805 to 1825, he was PresidentGeneral of the Society of the Cincinnati. His home was one of generous hospitality, and with all his varied attainments and culture he was earnestly religious. His fine portrait graced the pages of this Magazine in September, 1883 (Vol. X., p. 179).

Rufus King had recently been minister to England for six years, sent by