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PROTEST AGAINST THE INTERFERENCE OF GOVERNMENT WITH TO AFFAIRS OF FRANCE.

Die Martis, 6 Januarii, 1795.

The order of the day being read for the Lords to be summoned It was moved to resolve, "That this country ought not, and v.. not, interfere in the internal affairs of France; and that it is e dient explicitly to declare the same."

Which being objected to, it was moved to adjourn; but debate, the question was put; when it passed in the affirmative. Dissentient,'

1st. Because the motion made for the House to adjourn professedly intended to get rid of the following resolution, "Resolved, that this country ought not, and will not, interfe the internal affairs of France; and that it is expedient exp to declare the same."

2dly. Because I hold that it is contrary both to equity and p for any foreign country to interfere in the internal affairs or ons tution of the French republic, or of any other independent natin

3dly. Because the government of Great Britain (not having bet elected by the citizens of France) can have no more right to gireb France a monarchical, or other form of government whatever, the the crowned despots of Prussia and of Russia had to overturn free constitution of now unhappy Poland.

4thly. Because I heartily disapprove and reprobate the doctrin advanced by ministers in the debate; namely, that to restore the ancient and hereditary monarchy of France no expense should spared. And I reprobate that pernicious and uncivic doctrine the more strongly, from its not having been suddenly, hastily, or ina siderately started; but from its having been taken up (as it w solemnly declared) upon the utmost deliberation.

5thly. Because I deem it to be an injustice committed by mi ters towards my fellow-citizens, to adopt a principle which sh render it necessary for the government of Great Britain to y farther heavy burdens upon the people, and to tax their houses their windows, their beds, their candles, their shoes, and many other necessaries of life, in order to provide a fund to attempt accomplishment of such a wicked purpose as aforesaid.

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6thly. Because the proposed resolution above stated was intended y me as a solemn pledge that the government of this nation would ot interfere in the internal affairs of France; but the refusal of the [ouse to give such a pledge, tends to shut the door to peace, and onsequently tends to insure the ruin of this manufacturing, comercial, and once happy country; particularly considering the inreased, and rapidly increasing, strength of the navy of the French epublic, independently of the prospect there is of their having the atives of Holland and Spain under their immediate influence.

7thly. Because the public funds, the paper currency, and the ublic and private credit of this country, will probably be unequal to tand the tremendous shock to which ministers will now expose them. 8thly. Because I think that frankness, fairness, humanity, and he principles of honesty, and of justice, are always, in the end, the best policy; and I believe it to be true, in regard to nations, (as well as with respect to individuals) that "nothing that is not just can be wise, or likely to be ultimately prosperous."

9thly. Because I lament the more, that the House should refuse to disclaim the interfering in the internal constitution of France, inasmuch as by the new constitution of the French republic, one and indivisible, adopted by the present national convention, on the 23d of June, 1793, and under the title of "The relation of the French Republic with Foreign Nations," and by the articles 118 and 119 of that constitution, it is declared and enacted, that—

"The French people is the friend and natural ally of every free nation. It does not interfere with the government of other nations; it does not suffer that other nations should interfere with its own."So frank, so fair, and so explicit a declaration on their part, did, in my opinion, entitle them to a better species of return.

10thly. Because I conceive that a true republican form of government, being firmly established in France, is much more safe for the liberties of the people of Great Britain, than the tyrannical, capricious, perfidious, secret, intriguing, and restless ancient monarchy of France; or than any other monarchy they could there establish; but even if I were of a direct opposite way of thinking, I would not be guilty of the gross injustice of attempting to force a monarchy upon them contrary to their inclination.

11thly. Because I think that no war ought to be continued, that can, by a proper line of moderation, be avoided; and the more espe

cially with respect to the French people, who, by their re exertions, republican enthusiasm, and republican courage, have victory the almost constant "Order of the day.”

12thly. Because the continuing of such a bloody contest, w necessity, appears to me to be a profane tempting of Divine h vidence, in whose benign and almighty hands the fate of battles a of empires is placed.

13thly. Because I wish to wash my hands entirely of alinnocent blood that may be shed in this war with France, of Lcarnage which may take place, and of all the destruction, co and devastation (perhaps in Great Britain itself) which may

14thly. Because it was my object to preclude the governme Great Britain from attempting to stir up, or excite insurrect: La Vendee, or any other department of the French republic;= the resolution I moved was well calculated for that purpose.

And, 15thly. Because the maxim of "Do not to others that w you would not wish done to yourself," is an unerring rule. f upon the clear principles of justice, that is to say, of Equali Rights. It is upon that strong and solid ground that I make: stand; and all public men, in order to merit the confidence British people, must show their determination to act with frais unequivocal good faith, and justice, towards the French repub

Having, upon this most important and momentous subject quently stood alone, and having also been, upon this last occas totally unsupported in the division, if I should, therefore, cas present to attend this House, (where I have been placed by the accident of birth) such of my fellow-citizens as are friends to freed and who may chance to read this my solemn protest, will find bi I have not altered my sentiments or opinions, and that I have s changed any of my principles; for my principles never can be cha

And those fellow-citizens will also find that I hereby p myself to my country, that I shall continue, what I ever have be a zealous and unshaken friend to peace, to justice, and to liber political, civil, and religious; and that I am determined to die 2have lived) a firm and steady supporter of the unalienable ri and of the happiness of all mankind.

STANHOFE

ROYAL APPROBATION

OF THE

CHOICE OF A SPEAKER

OF THE

COMMONS' HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT.

[The form and ceremonial of choosing and approving of a Speaker of the Honourable the House of Commons being on every occasion similar, the reader is here presented with an example in the case of Sir Job Charlton, one of the Speakers in the reign of Charles II.]

Speech by the Lord Chancellor, Feb. 4, 1672.

My Lords, and you, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the House of Commons,

His Majesty hath commanded me to tell you, that he hath many things to say to you: but he thinks not this a proper time, but will defer it till the House of Commons be completed with a new Speaker; for his Majesty hath, since the last session, as a mark of his favour to his House of Commons, and that he might reward so good a servant, taken their late Speaker, Sir Edward Turner, to be Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, and called him by writ to be an assistant to this House. I am therefore commanded to acquaint you, gentlemen of the House of Commons, that it is the King's pleasure you repair to your House, and elect a discreet, wise, and learned man; who, after he hath been by you presented, and that presentation admitted by his Majesty, shall then possess the office of your common mouth and Speaker. And the King is pleased to be here to-morrow in the afternoon, to receive the presentment of him accordingly.

Speech by Sir Job Charlton, Speaker of the House of Comm Feb. 5, 1672.

Most Gracious Sovereign,

The knights, citizens, and burgesses of your House of Con in obedience to your royal command, have proceeded to the char a Speaker. They have among them many worthy persons emine qualified for so great a trust; yet, with too favourable an eye. cast it upon me, who am really conscious to myself of many i ities, rendering me much unfit for so great an employment A although my endeavours of excusing myself before them have t been successful, yet they have been so indulgent as to permit continue my endeavours therein before your Majesty's most piecz and-discerning judgment.

The veneration due to Majesty, which lodgeth in every breast, makes it not an easy matter to speak before your Ma at any time, or in any capacity. But to speak before your Ma in your exaltation, thus gloriously supported and attended, and as Speaker of your House of Commons, requires greater abi than I can pretend to own.

I am not also without fear that the public affairs, wherein Majesty and your kingdom in this juncture of time are so hig concerned, may receive detriment through my weakness.

I therefore, with a plain humble heart, prostrate at your feet, beseech that you will command them to review what they done, and to proceed to another election.

Then the Lord Chancellor, by direction from his Majesty, retur

Mr. Serjeant Charlton,

this answer :

The King hath very attentively heard your discreet and hands discourse, whereby you endeavour to excuse and disable yourself is the place of Speaker: in answer whereof, his Majesty hath co manded me to say to you, that he doth in no sort admit of the same for his Majesty hath had long experience of your abilities, good f fection, integrity, and resolution, in several employments of grai trust and weight. He knows you have been long a Parliament: and therefore every way fitted and qualified for the employment. Posides, he cannot disapprove the election of this House of Co

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