make them answer his own purposes, regardless of their effects upon the United States.

By Mr. Pinkney's letter to Mr. Madison, it appears, that when the former communicated to Mr. Canning, the British minister, the information that Congress had established the embargo, the latter "received his explanations with great apparent satisfaction, and took occasion to express the most friendly disposition towards our country."

It is not necessary to show in what manner these " suppressed documents" were obtained for publication. It is enough for the public to know that they were obtained, and that they are genuine. Of the latter fact they may rest assured; the author having been furnished with the most satisfactory evidence of the fact-so much so, that it will not be questioned by those by whose order they were kept back from the public.

In a report of the committee on foreign relations in the House of Representatives, bearing date November 22d, 1808, is the following passage

"It was on the 18th of September, 1807, that a new construction of the decree took place; an instruction having on that day been transmitted to the council of prizes by the minister of justice, by which that court was informed, that French armed vessels were authorized, under that decree, to seize without exception, in neutral vessels, either English property, or merchandise of English growth or manufacture. An immediate explanation having been asked from the French minister of foreign relations, he confirmed, in his answer of the 7th of October, 1807, the determination of his government to adopt that construction. Its first application took place on the 10th of the same month, in the case of the Horizon, of which the minister of the United States was not informed until the month of November; and on the twelfth of that month he presented a spirited remonstrance against that infraction of the neutral rights of the United States. He had, in the mean

while, transmitted to America the instruction to the council of prizes of the 18th of September. This was received on the of December; and a copy of the decision in the case of the Horizon having at the same time reached government, the President, aware of the consequences which would follow that new state of things, communicated immediately to Congress the alteration of the French decree, and recommended the embargo, which was accordingly laid on the 22d of December, 1807; at which time it was well understood, in this country, the British orders of council of November preceding had issued, although they were not officially communicated to ur government."

In the "Suppressed Documents," to which reference has been made, there is a letter from General Armstrong, in which some remarks are made which may probably explain the reason why those papers were not suffered to see the light. The following is an extract from it—

"30th August, 1808.

"We have somewhat overrated our means of coercion of the two great belligerents to a course of justice. The embargo is a measure calculated above any other, to keep us whole, and keep us in peace, but beyond this you must not count upon it. Here it is not felt, and in England (in the midst of the more interesting events of the day) it is forgotten."

However lightly it was esteemed as a measure of coercion in France, and however speedily it passed out of mind in England, it is very certain that its full force was felt at home, and it bore too hardly upon the public prosperity, as well as upon private enterprise, to be either slighted or disregarded. Upon finding a strong spirit of opposition to its principles, as well as to its provisions, in January, 1809, Congress passed an act to enforce and make it more effectual, which excited a great deal of feeling, and no inconsiderable degree of alarm through a large part of the

country; and probably this measure had considerable efficacy in accomplishing the repeal of the embargo law, and of introducing the non-intercourse act in its place.

But in this, as in almost all other cases of importance under Mr. Jefferson's administration, it is necessary to examine closely into the subject, in order to ascertain whether the reasons given to the public for the recommendation of his measures are the genuine ones, and whether there is not something kept out of sight, which, if discovered, might give a different aspect to the matter in hand. It has been seen by the letter from General Armstrong to Mr. Madison, copied from the suppressed documents, dated February 22d, 1808, that Bonaparte had declared that the United States should be compelled to take the positive character of either allies or enemies. In Mr. Jefferson's Works, published since his death, is a letter to Robert L. Livingston, dated Washington, October 15th, 1808, from which the following is a quotation :—

"Your letter of September the 22d waited here for my return, and it is not till now that I have been able to acknowledge it. The explanation of his principles, given you by the French Emperor, in conversation, is correct, as far as it goes. He does not wish us to go to war with England, knowing we have no ships to carry on that war. To submit to pay to England the tribute on our commerce which she demands by her orders of council, would be to aid her in the war against him, and would give him just ground to declare war with us. He concludes, therefore, as every rational man must, that the embargo, the only remaining alternative, was a wise measure. These are acknowledged principles, and should circumstances arise which may offer advantage to our country in making them public, we shall avail ourselves of them. But as it is not usual nor agreeable to governments to bring their conversations before the public, I think it would be well to consider this on your part as confidential, leaving to the govern

ment to retain or make it public, as the general good may require. Had the Emperor gone further, and said that he condemned our vessels going voluntarily into his ports in breach of his municipal laws, we might have admitted it rigorously legal, though not friendly. But his condemnation of vessels taken on the high seas by his privateers, and carried involuntarily into his ports, is justifiable by no law, is piracy, and this is the wrong we complain of against him."

Who, after reading this language from Mr. Jefferson, can hesitate as to the real object which he intended to accomplish by establishing an en bargo? No other course would have answered the purpose he had in view, which obviously was, not the avoidance of dangers to our seamen, vessels, and merchandise, but to injure Great Britain, and benefit Bonaparte. It would not benefit him if we were to go to war with Great Britain, because such a war must be to a great extent a war upon the ocean, and we had no ships to meet her there. If we submitted to the terms which Great Britain demanded, it would be nothing less than paying tribute to her, which would aid her in carrying on her war with France, and therefore would be injurious to his majesty the Emperor, and would give him just cause of complaint against us. "He (that is Bonaparte) concludes, as every rational man must, that the embargo, the only remaining alternative, was a wise mcasure.” In what respect wise? Not for the protection of our seamen, vessels, and merchandise, for neither of them are alluded to in these remarks, but wise for the purposes for which it was intended-to benefit France, and injure Great Britain.

It is to be regretted that the letter from Mr. Livingston, to which the foregoing is an answer, was not published. It might have disclosed other facts and circumstances besides those mentioned and referred to in the answer. But the latter contains clear and unquestionable evidence, that in

the adoption of this measure it was the object of Mr. Jefferson to throw the weight of this country, as far as he then dared to venture, into the scale of France, and against that of Great Britain. It appears in Bonaparte's opinion, as well as his own, that the best, and indeed the only thing we could then do to aid the French, in their warfare against Great Britain, was to establish an embargo. Accordingly Mr. Jefferson recommended such a measure. But in bringing it before Congress he not only concealed his real motives in doing it, but he gave to Congress false reasons for introducing it to their consideration. Such conduct, when detected, and exposed, would destroy all confidence in any man, in the relations of private life. It is far more dangerous, and more to be condemned in the ruler of a great nation, whose influence must of necessity be great, and whose example cannot fail to produce a powerful effect upon the community at large. But the opportunity to prosecute his favourite political system towards the two great hostile nations of Europe was too flattering to be lost, and he improved it in the manner that has been related. He did all he could, in a secret manner, to forward the views and promote the interests of France, and to injure and depress those of Great Britain.

Mr. Jefferson's caution to Mr. Livingston on the propriety on his part of observing secrecy with respect to the remarks of Bonaparte, on the subject of the policy of our government towards Great Britain and France, was strikingly characteristic. The principles advanced by the emperor are acknowledged to be sound; and should circumstances arise, which may offer advantages to our country in making them public, we shall avail ourselves of them. But as it is not usual, nor agreeable to governments to bring their conversations before the public, I think it will be well to consider this on your part as confidential, leaving to the government to retain or make it public, as the public good may require." That he should not be desir