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Olla. I do, Sir Charles-A double-barrelled gun-I fly --the bark—I 'm going-Juno-a narcotic
Sir C. Off with you!
NECESSITY OF NATIONAL MORALITY.-Beecher.
The crisis has come. By the people of this generation, by ourselves, probably, the amazing question is to be decided, whether the inheritance of our fathers shall be preserved or thrown away; whether our Sabbaths shall be a delight or loathing; whether the taverns, on that holy day, shall be crowded with drunkards, or the sanctuary of God with humble worshippers; whether riot and profaneness shall fill our streets, and poverty our dwellings, and convicts our jails, and violence our land; or whether industry, and temperance, and righteousness shall be the stability of our times; wheth er mild laws shall receive the cheerful submission of freemon, or the iron rod of a tyrant compel the trembling homage of slaves.
Be not deceived. Human nature in this state is like human nature everywhere. All actual difference in our favour is adventitious, and the result of our laws, institutions, and habits. It is a moral influence, which, with the blessing of God, has formed a state of society so eminently desirable. The same influence which formed it is indispensable to its preservation. The rocks and hills of New England will remain till the last conflagration. But, let the Sabbath be profaned with impunity, the worship of God be abandoned, the government and religious instruction of children neglected, the streams of intemperance be permitted to flow, and her glory will depart. The wall of fire will no longer surround her, and the munition of rocks will no longer be her defence.
If we neglect our duty, and suffer our laws and institutions to go down, w give them up forever. It is easy to relax, easy to retreat; but impossible, when the abomination of desolation has once passed over New England, to rear again the thrown down altars, and gather again the fragments, and build up the ruins of demolished institutions.
The hand that overturns our laws and temples, is the
hand of death, unbarring the gates of Pandemonium, and letting loose upon our land the crimes and miseries of hell. If the Most High should stand aloof, and cast not a single ingredient into our cup of trembling, it would seem to be full of superlative wo. But he will not stand aloof. As we shall have begun an open controversy with him, he will contend openly with us. And never, since the earth stood, has it been so fearsul a thing for nations to fall into the hands of the living God.
The day of vengeance is at hand; the great earthquake which sinks Babylon, is shaking the nations, and the waves of the mighty commotion are dashing upon every shore.Is it, then, a time to remove the foundations when the earth itself is shaken?
Is this a time to forfeit the protection of God, when the hearts of men are failing them for fear, and for looking after those things which are to come upon the earth? Is this a time to run upon his neck and the thick bosses of his buckler, when the nations are drinking blood, and fainting, and passing away in his wrath?
Is this a time to throw away the shield of faith, when his arrows are drunk with the blood of the slain? to cut from the anchor of hope, when the clouds are collecting, and the sea and the waves are roaring, and thunders are uttering their voices, and lightnings blazing in the heavens, and the great hail is falling from heaven upon men, and every mountain, sea and island is fleeing in dismay from the face of an incensed God!
SPEECH OF A CHRISTIAN MARTYR.- Croly.
Addressed to the Roinans, who were about to put him to death. For what have these my brethren died? Answer me, priests of Rome; what temple did they force—what altar overthrow—what insults offer to the slightest of your public celebrations? Judges of Rome, what offence did they commit against the public peace? Consuls, where were they found in rebellion against the Roman majesty? People! patricians! who among your thousands can charge one of these holy dead with extortion, impurity, or violence;
can charge them with anything, but the patience that bore wrong without a murmur, and the charity that answered tortures only by prayers ?
Do I stand here demanding to be believed for opinions? No; but for facts. I have seen the sick made whole, the lame walk, the blind receive their sight, by the mere name of Him whom you crucified.
I have seen ignorant of all languages but their own, speaking with the language of every nation under heaven-the still greater wonder, of the timid defying all fear--the unlearned instantly made wise in the mysteries of things divine and human-putting to shame the learned-humbling the proud -enlightening the darkened; alike, in the courts of kings, before the furious people, and in the dungeon, armed with an irrepressible spirit of knowledge, reason and truth, that confounded their adversaries.
I have seen the still greater wonder, of the renewed heart; the impure, suddenly ahjuring vice; the covetous, , the cruel, the faithless, the godless, gloriously changed into the holy, the gentle, the faithful, the worshipper of the true God in spirit and in truth; the conquest of the passions which defied your philosophers, your tribunals, your rewards, your terrors, achieved in the one mighty name. These are facts, things which I have seen; and who that had seen them could doubt that the finger of the eternal God was there?
I dared not refuse my belief to the divine mission of the being by whom, and even in memory of whom, things, baffling the proudest human means, were wrought before my eyes. Thus irresistibly compelled by facts, to believe that Christ was sent by God, I was with equal force compelled, to believe in the doctrines declared by this glorious Messenger of the Father alike of quick and dead. And thus I stand before you this day, at the close of a long life of labour and hazard, a Christian.
GEN. WASHINGTON TO HIS TROUPS.
Delivered before the Battle of Long Island, in 1776. The time is now near at hand, which must probably determine whether Americans are to be freemen or slaves; whether they are to have any property they can call their own; whether their houses and farms are to be pillaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of wretchedness, from which no human efforts will deliver them. The fate of unborn millions will now depend, under God, on the courage and conduct of this army. Our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us only the choice of a brave resistance, or the most abject submission. We have therefore to resolve to conquer or to die.
Our own, our country's honour, calls upon us for a vigorous and
enly exertion; and if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole world. Let us then rely on the goodness of our cause, and the aid of the Supreme Being, in whose hands victory is, to animate and encourage us to great and noble actions. The eyes of all our countrymen are now upon us, and we shall have their blessings and praises, if happily we are the instruments of saving them from the tyranny meditated against them.—Let us therefore animate and encourage each other, and show the whole world, that a freeman contending for liberty on his own ground, is superior to any slavish mercenary on earth.
Liberty, property, life, and honour are all at stake; upon your courage and conduct, rest the hopes of our bleeding and insulted country; our wives, children, and parents, expect safety from us only; and they have every reason to believe, that Heaven will crown with success so just a cause. The
enemy will endeavour to intimidate by show and appearance; but remember, they have been repulsed on various occasions by a few brave Americans. Their cause is bad—their men are conscious of it; and, if opposed with firmness and coolness on their first onset, with our advantage of works and knowledge of the ground, the victory is most assuredly ours. Every good soldier will be silent and attentive-wait for orders and reserve his fire until he is sure of doing execution.
MR. GRATTAN'S REPLY TO MR. CORRY'S ATTACK
Has the gentleman done? Has he completely done? He was unparliamentary from the beginning to the end of his speech. There was scarce a word he uttered that was not a violation of the privileges of the House. But I did not call him to order-Why? because the limited talents of some
men render it impossible for them to be severe without being unparliamentary. But before I sit down, I shall show him how to be severe and parliamentary, at the same time.
On any other occasion, I should think myself justifiable in treating with silent contempt anything which might fall from that honourable member; but there are times, when the insignificance of the accuser is lost in the magnitude of the accusation. I know the difficulty the honourable gentleman laboured under when he attacked me, conscious that, on a comparative view of our characters, public and private, there is nothing he could say which would injure me. The public would not believe the charge. I despise the falsehood. If such a charge were made by an honest man, I would answer it in the manner I shall do before I sit down. But I shall first reply to it, when not made by an honest man.
The right honourable gentleman has called me 'an unimpeached traitor.' I ask, why not ‘traitor,' unqualified by an epithet? I will tell him, it was because he durst not. It was the act of a coward, who raises his arm to strike, but has not courage to give the blow. I will not call him villain, because it would be unparliamentary, and he is a privy counsellor. I will not call him fool, because he happens to be Chancellor of the Exchequer. But I say, he is one who has abused the privilege of Parliament, and freedom of debate, by uttering language, which, if spoken out of the House, I should answer only with a blow. I care not how high his situation, how low his character, how contemptible his speech; whether a privy counsellor or a parasite, my answer would be a blow.
He has charged me with being connected with the rebels. The charge is utterly, totally, and meanly false. Does the konourable gentleman rely on the report of the House of