southern states.

We are not in the best situation to oppose the British efforts. The great departments are very deficient in supplies of every kind, and public credit will not answer as a substitute for money. There are two obstacles to that energy and vigor which are absolutely necessary in the United States. In the first place, the United States have not vested Congress, or any other body, with the power of calling out effectually the resources of each state. The Articles of Confederation give only the power of apportioning. Compliance in the respective states is generally slow, and in many instances does not take place. The consequence is disappointment, and may be fatal. In the second place, an extreme, though perhaps well-meant jealousy in many members of Congress, especially those of a long standing, seems to frustrate every attempt to introduce a more efficacious system.

Prudent caution against the abuse of power is very requisite for supporting the principles of Republican government; but when that caution is carried too far, the event may, and probably will, prove alarming.

We have experienced a recent instance of political diffidence. Mr. Robert Morris, of this city, has been chosen Financier. Previous to his final acceptance, he insisted upon the power of removing from office all persons entrusted with the expenditure of the public money, for abuse, fraud, &c., without being anwerable, except to the party injured,in the courts of law. Without this authority, he despaired of introducing economy, so essentially important at this critical situation. A majority decided against the proposition. The consequence is, we are replunged into our old situation, so greeable to some gentlemen, and I fear shall not be able to effect a reformation in point of revenue and expenditure, which sometime since many of us hoped and firmly expected.

Sentiments of this gloomy cast may appear, Sir, to some, as the result of a fickle or envious disposition. But believe me, I should be silent upon such topics, if I was not apprehensive of the most serious consequences. My duty, or a mistaken idea of it, obliges me to hazard a conjecture, that the time is not far distant when the present American Congress will be dissolved, or laid aside as useless, unless a change of measures shall render their authority more respectable. Our time is consumed in testing executive business, while objects of the greatest magnitude are postponed, or rejected as subversive in their nature of democratical liberty. If political and civil liberty can be enjoyed amidst the din of arms, in their utmost Platonic extent, I confess my own ideas are perfectly wrong; but if the kind of government sufficiently energetic to obtain the objects of peace when free from invasion, is too feeble to raise and support armies, fight battles, and obtain complete victory, I know of but one eligible resort in the power of

the United States; that is, to form a convention, not composed of members
of Congress, especially those whose political sentiments have become inter-
woven with their habits for a long train of thinking in the same way. It
should be the business of this convention to revise and reform the Articles
of Confederation, to define the aggregate powers of the United States in
Congress assembled, fix the executive departments, and ascertain their
authorities. Many other matters subservient to the general idea would come
before them, and their powers should be extensive in point of ratification.
But the system to be by them adopted should expire at a given or limited
time. This plan, if rational and necessary, must be recommended by the
legislature of some one state, as, the same policy which I have mentioned,
will prevent a recommendation taking place in Congress. It would proba-
bly affect some gentlemen in a tender point, as having been in Congress.
more than three years, they might be deemed unqualified members, which
offends them extremely, whenever hinted, although the Articles of Confed-
eration are very clear upon that head. By all accounts the French squad-
ron had greatly the advantage in the late action off Chesapeake, although
the British were one hundred and thirty-eight guns superior number.
I have the honor of being with great respect,

Your Excellency's most obedient and humble servant,
JAMES M. VARNUM.

EZEKIEL CORNELL TO Gov. GREENE.

WAR OFFICE, April 17th, 1781.

DEAR SIR:—I was honored with your Excellency's letter of the 29th ult., by yesterday's post. Letters were yesterday received by express from Gen. Greene, dated Ramsay's Mills, on Deep river, in North Carolina, March 29th and 30th, 1781; informing that Cornwallis had secured his retreat, though with so much rapidity as to leave his dead unburied. At the same time I am by no means authorized to say that our affairs are flattering in that part of the country.

Gen. Phillips has landed in Virginia with considerable reïnforcements. His numbers have not yet been ascertained. I fear our force that is opposed to them, is inadequate to stopping their progress into the country. Chesapeake Bay is full of British frigates, sloops of war, privateers, armed boats, and plundering parties, who are continually stealing and burning, and that with less damage and more success than was usual in New England.

I have many things I wish to communicate to you, but as the conveyance

by post hath not heretofore been so safe as I could wish, I shall write no

more.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of esteem and respect,
Your Excellency's most obedient, humble servant,

EZEKIEL CORNELL.

JAMES M. VARNUM TO Gov. GREENE.

PHILADELPHIA, 21st April, 1781.

SIR : —I have received your Excellency's letter notifying me that no delegate will come from the State till after the election. Gen. Cornell, who is absent by leave of Congress, visiting the military magazines, laboratories, &c., and causing some necessary reforms, will be able to give every necessary information respecting our situation. As my time for representing the State will soon expire, I apprehend my return home will be consequent thereupon, previous to which, a supply of money will be essential. Should the necessity of this request be doubted, it need only be observed, that the exchange between paper and silver is two hundred for one, and I suppose four weeks will produce something worse. I have been informed that a sentiment somewhat similar to this expressed in a former letter, and which was intended as a delicate suggestion of my wants, was obliterated, as tending to discourage. However, I must again repeat, that the State will be very great losers in sending paper money to Philadelphia.

I have the honor to be with great respect,

Your Excellency's most obedient servant,

JAMES M. VARNUM.

Congress continued its session at Philadelphia, during this year, Mr. Huntington remaining President. Congress was actually engaged in reducing its multiform business into system. The greatest embarrassment of the year was the continued deficiency of the treasury. A paper currency had been resorted to at an early period of the war. At the close of the year 1778, the amount emitted exceeded one hundred millions of dollars. In September, 1779, this amount had been increased to one hundred and sixty millions of dollars. Before the end of the year 1780, it exceeded three hundred millions. Its value depreciated in the ratio of the increase of the emissions. In March, 1780, the states were required to bring

in the bills which were then passing, at the rate of forty for one, to be cancelled, and new ones bearing interest were issued in lieu of them, on the credit of the individual states, guaranteed by the United States, for one-twentieth part of the nominal amount so brought in. The General Assembly of this State, in July, 1780, passed an act to carry the foregoing plan into effect. As, however, the old bills were not brought in, the new ones were not issued, and during the year 1780, the old ones became of so little value that they ceased to circulate. In May, 1781, the General Assembly of this State fixed a scale of depreciation for these bills, by which they were to be estimated April 1, 1780, at forty for one, gradually diminishing in value to May 30th, 1781, when they were rated at one hundred and sixty for one. Though the prospects of eventual success grew more certain as foreign nations acknowledged the Independence of the States, every department of the government was most seriously embarrassed by this deficiency of means. As has been seen in the letters which passed between the executive and the delegates of this State, even a portion of the army was driven to insubordination and open revolt by the want of pay, clothing and subsistence, which resulted from the utter inability of Congress to supply them.

As an effectual means of remedying this deficiency in the future, Congress, on the 3d of February, 1781, recommended to the states, to grant to it the right to levy and collect a five per cent. impost on all imported and prize goods, after May 1,1781; the funds so raised to be used for the payment of the interest on the public debt. This right was to continue till the debt should be paid. It was pressed with almost the earnestness of despair. But it required, of course, the assent of all the states. Time was requisite to bring the matter before the state legislatures. It will be met in various modified forms in after years, until its final rejection gave birth to the present Constitution of the United States.

On the first day of March, 1781, the delegates of Maryland, in behalf of that state, signed the Articles of Confederation. The delay had arisen principally in the claim set up by Maryland to a share of the crown lands, which lay within the charter lines of several of the other states; the same that this State had set up. Some of these had been ceded to the United States before this date, which induced Maryland to sign "the Articles of Confederation," at this time. But the act was accompanied by a declaration on the part of Maryland, that she did not in any way relinquish her claim in all said lands. It was reässerted years after this in the Congress of the United States under the present Constitution, by both Maryland and Rhode Island.

From the first day of March, 1781, the Articles of Confederation became the paramount law of the states, of perpetual obligation, and not to be amended or changed in any of their provisions, except by the unanimous consent of the legislatures of the states. Under these Articles, the sessions of Congress commenced on the first Monday in November in each year. Each state had one vote in all questions, and maintained its own delegates, which could not exceed seven nor be less than two, in number. On the second day of March, Congress organized under the Article of Confederation. Mr. Samuel Huntington was elected President.

Ezekiel Cornell took his seat in Congress on the 5th of June, to share with the delegates from the other states, the responsibilities, and duties, and labors of their position. On the 21st of November, Congress "Resolved, that a member be elected for the Board of War." The member chosen was Mr. Cornell. That Board consisted of three Commissioners not members of Congress, and two that were. Mr. Cornell was of the last class, and still remained a member of Congress; but, on the 29th of December, Congress elected him a Commissioner of that Board, to act during the absence of