Ellery, in conjunction with the other delegates that are or may be elected delegates of the said State, or separately and alone, in case of the sickness. or other necessary absence of the other delegates of said State, to represent the said State in the said General Congress, and in behalf thereof to join with the delegates from the other states, or the major part of them, in all such measures as shall be thought best for promoting the defence and welfare of the said United States, agreeably to the instructions given, or that may be given you by the General Assmbly.

Given under my hand and the Seal of said State, at Providence, this 7th day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-seven.

By his Honor's command, HENRY WARD, Esq.

NICHOLAS COOKE.

At a special session in August, the act of March, regulating the appointment of delegates, was amended, and delegates duly elected were authorized to act in Congress until they have notice of their reëlection or until those appointed in their room shall take their seats."

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Up to this date, the powers of Congress were such as the several colonies and states had conferred on its members. and such as they had been compelled to assume by force of circumstances. There existed a great dissimilarity in the commissions of the several members, but they all looked to one end, the preservation of the rights and liberties of the colonies, and their independence. No articles of union or federation between the colonies had been adopted. A sense of general danger forced them at first to united action for general safety. This constituted their only bond of union even when they were styling themselves "The United Colonies," and were so styled in public documents. Dr. Franklin proposed the adoption of certain articles of confederation early in the Congress of 1775. The articles proposed by him were never acted upon until all hope of reconciliation with Great Britain had been abandoned. Such a confederation might have been deemed premature. After having assumed the

right of self-government as sovereign states, it became vitally important that the union between them should be placed on a permanent basis, and the terms of that union definitely ascertained and determined. After a declaration of independence had been decided upon, and before a definite form had been given to it and the declaration made public, Congress resumed the consideration of this subject. On the 12th of June, 1776, they appointed a committee to prepare articles of confederation. This committee reported a draft July 12th, which was printed for the use of the members only. On the 22d of July, Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the report of this committee. The committee of the whole reported certain articles as agreed to, on the 20th of August. These were also printed for the use of the members, but were not acted upon until the 8th of April, 1777, nor were they perfected and finally adopted by Congress until the 15th day of November of the same year. To give them validity, they still required the assent of each state. On the 17th of November, Congress adopted the following circular to accompany the Articles of Confederation to the legislature of each

state.

IN CONGRESS, YORK-TOWN, November 17, 1777. Congress having agreed upon a plan of confederacy for securing the freedom, sovereignty and independence of the United States, authentic copies are now transmitted for the consideration of the respective legislatures.

The business, equally intricate and important, has, in its progress, been attended with uncommon embarrassments and delay, which the most anxious solicitude and persevering industry could not prevent. To form a permanent union, accommodated to the opinions and wishes of the delegates of so many States, differing in habits, produce, commerce and internal police, was found to be a work which nothing but time and reflection, conspiring with a disposition to conciliate, could mature and accomplish. Hardly is it to be expected that any plan, in the variety of provisions essential to our union, should exactly correspond with the maxims and political

views of every particular state. Let it be remarked, that after the most careful enquiry and the fullest information, this is proposed, as the best which could be adapted to the circumstances of all, and as that alone which affords any tolerable prospect of general ratification.

Permit us, then, earnestly to recommend these Articles to the immediate and dispassionate attention of the legislatures of the respective states. Let them be carefully reviewed under a sense of the difficulty of combining in one general system the various sentiments and interests of a continent divided into so many sovereign and independent communities, under a conviction of the absolute necessity of uniting all our counsels and all our strength, to maintain and defend our common liberties; let them be examined, with a liberality becoming brethren and fellow citizens surrounded by the same imminent dangers, contending for the same illustrious prize, and deeply interested in being forever bound and connected together by ties the most intimate and indissoluble; and finally, let them be adjusted, with the temper and magnanimity of wise and patriotic legislators, who, while they are concerned for the prosperity of their own immediate circle, are capable of rising superior to local attachments when they may be incompatible with the safety, happiness and glory of the general confederacy.

We have reason to regret the time which has elapsed in preparing this plan for consideration, with additional solicitude to that which must be necessarily spent before it can be ratified. Every motive calls upon us to hasten its conclusion. More than any other consideration, it will confound our foreign enemies, defeat the flagitious practices of the disaffected, strengthen and confirm our friends, support our public credit, restore the value of our money, enable us to maintain our fleets and armies, and add a weight and respect to our councils at home and to our treaties abroad.

In short, this salutary measure can no longer be deferred. It seems essential to our very existence as a free people, and without it we may soon be constrained to bid adieu to independence, to liberty and safety, and blessings which, from the justness of our cause, and the favor of an Almighty Creator visibly manifested in our protection, we have reason to expect if, in a humble dependence on His divine providence, we strenuously exert the means which are placed in our power.

To conclude, if the legislature of any State shall not be assembled, Congress recommends to the executive authority to convene it without delay; and to each respective legislature it is recommended to invest its delegates. with competent powers, ultimately, in the name and behalf of the State, to subscribe Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union of the United States; and to attend Congress for that purpose on or before the 10th day of March.

The proposed Articles of Confederation, with the accompanying circular from Congress, were laid before the General Assembly at a special session held on the 19th day of December, 1777; the consideration of the same was postponed to the next session, to convene on the 2d Monday in February, 1778, when the following resolutions on the subject were adopted :—

This Assembly, having taken into consideration the Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union between the states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, transmitted by Congress to this State; and having had them repeatedly read, and having maturely weighed and most seriously deliberated upon them as their importance to this and to other states, and to posterity, deserves; and considering also the pressing necessity of completing the union, as a measure essential to the preservation of the independence and safety of the said states,

DO VOTE AND RESOLVE, AND IT IS VOTED AND RESOLVED, That the Honorable Stephen Hopkins, Esq., William Ellery, Esq., and Henry Marchant, Esq., the delegates to represent this State in Congress, or any one of them, be and they are hereby fully authorized and empowered, on the part and behalf of this State, to accede to and sign the said Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union, in such solemn form and manner as Congress shall think best adapted to a transaction so important to the present and future generations; provided that the same be acceded to by eight of the other states.

And in case any alterations in or additions to the said Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union shall be made by nine of the said states in Congress assembled, that the said delegates, or any one of them, be and they are hereby authorized and empowered, in like manner to accede to and sign the said Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union, with the alterations and additions which shall be so made.

IT IS FURTHER VOTED AND RESOLVED, That this Assembly will and do hereby, in behalf of the said State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, in the most solemn manner pledge the faith of the said State to hold and consider the acts of the said delegates in so acceding to and signing the said Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union, as valid and binding upon the said State in all future time.

AND IT IS FURTHER VOTED AND RESOLVED, That a fair copy of this act be made and authenticated under the public seal of this State, with the signature of his Excellency, the Governor, and be transmitted to the said delegates; and that the same shall be sufficient warrant and authority to the said delegates, or any one of them, for the purposes aforesaid.

At the same session, the Assembly gave the following instructions to the delegates of the State :

INSTRUCTION TO THE HONORABLE STEPHEN HOPKINS, WILLIAM ELLERY, and HENRY MARCHANT, Esqs., delegates from this State in Congress, respecting the proposed Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union between the thirteen United States :

First. By the Fifth article, no state can be represented by less than two members. As it will be inconvenient and burdensome for the small states to keep in Congress more than two or three members, it may happen from sickness or death, or some other unavoidable accident, that such state may not have more than one member present in Congress, and thereby be deprived of a voice, which may be highly prejudicial; you are therefore instructed to move in Congress for an alteration in that article, so that, in case by sickness, death or any unavoidable accident, but one of the members of a state can attend Congress, such state may be represented in Congress by one member, for such reasonable space of time as shall be agreed upon by Congress, and as ascertained by the Articles of Confederation.

Secondly. Taxes ought to be assessed equally, and nothing will have a greater tendency to induce freemen to submit to heavy taxes than an opinion that they are justly proportioned. And as very material alterations may happen in the abilities of the different states to pay taxes, in the course of a few years, you are instructed to move in Congress the following addition to the article, "that such estimate be taken and made once in every five years, at least.”

Thirdly. The King of Great Britain, before the present war, was vested with the property of great quantities of land, and enjoyed large revenues arising from quit-rents within the United States. By commencing and carrying on this unnatural war, with the avowed design of reducing the United States to the most debasing and ignominious servitude, that crown hath justly forfeited such lands and revenues. If the forfeiture take place, it will be in consequence of the exertions of all the United States, by whom the war is supported, consequently all the Uunited States ought to be pro