in their territory, have exercised a very harsh right of appropriating the property left by such persons to themselves. But this exercise of right, or rather of power, has been generally discountenanced, in latter times, among civilized nations. The rights of foreigners are, however, so much a matter of municipal regulation and policy, that it is difficult to lay down more than a few very general principles on the subject. 5. How far a nation is bound to concede to others the exercise of any rights, within its own territory, has been a matter of much speculation among writers on the law of nations. It has been often asked, whether a nation has a right to demand, in case of necessity, that another shall supply it with provisions, or allow it to procure necessaries therein; whether a nation may insist upon a right of passage through the territory of another nation, either for persons or merchandise; whether it may claim for its subjects a right to reside in the territories of another nation; whether it may, of right, demand from a nation the free use of a thing, within its territory, which is inexhaustible, and is of innocent use, such as of water. To all such questions there can be little more than a general reply, viz. that it is the duty of every nation to concede to the necessities of others whatever may not incommode itself, or affect its interests, or endanger its peace or prosperity. 6. The intercourse between nations can scarcely be beneficially carried on without the instrumentality of some public agents. They may have disputes to adjust, injuries to redress, rights to ascertain, mutual objects and interests to promote,-all of which may require great deliberation and many conferences. It is obviously impossible for the government of a nation to carry on its negotiations at a distance, without the aid of some public functionaries, who shall represent its sovereignty, and have authority to act in regard to its rights. Hence arises the right of every nation to send and to receive ambassadors, and other public ministers. And this right of embassy, inasmuch as its tendency is to promote justice, harmony, peace, and social virtue, among nations, has always been deemed peculiarly sacred. The law of ambassadors forms, therefore, a large head in the law of nations; and it is observed with a jealous and scrupulous care by all civilized nations. As representatives of the nation itself, ambassadors, and other public ministers, are exempted from all responsibility to the civil and criminal jurisdiction of the countries to which they

are sent. Their persons are held sacred and inviolable. Their property, and servants, and retinue, enjoy a like privilege. Their houses are deemed, in some sort, asylums; and they have many privileges conceded to them, which do not belong to any other persons in the country where they reside. These rights, and privileges, and immunities, are not, however, to be considered as favors granted to the individual, but as a sovereign claim and public security insisted on by all nations, and refused by none. The peace and safety of all nations are essentially connected with the strict observance of them; and they are rarely infringed, except under circumstances of peculiar aggravation and injury. 7. It is through the medium of ambassadors, and other public ministers, that treaties, conventions, and other compacts between nations, are usually negotiated, thus forming a positive code for the regulation of their mutual rights, duties and interests. In the modern practice of nations, such treaties and compacts are not generally deemed final and conclusive until they have been ratified by the respective governments to which the negotiators belong. When made, such treaties possess the highest sanctity and obligatory force. They are, indeed, sometimes violated; but they never can be justly violated, except in cases of great and positive wrongs on the side of the other contracting party, or from extreme necessity, or from a change of circumstances, which renders them wholly inapplicable or unjust. rules have been laid down for the interpretation of treaties. But they all resolve themselves, ultimately, into one great maxim, which is, that they are to be understood and construed according to their obvious meaning, and the intention of the contracting parties. Treaties may be dissolved in several ways;-first, by the voluntary assent of the parties; secondly, by a formal dissolution, pronounced by one of the parties, acting upon its own responsibility, in the exercise of sovereign authority; thirdly, by operation of law, as in cases where the contracting parties lose their distinct sovereignty, and become incorporated into a single nation; fourthly, by implication, as when new treaties are formed between the parties upon the same subject, or new alliances are contracted, which are incompatible with existing treaties. 8. As to the modes of terminating disputes between nations. These are various,-by compromise; by mediation, by arbitration; by conferences and congresses; by tacit acquiescences in the

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claims of the other side; and, lastly, on a failure of all these, by an ultimate resort to arms. This resort may be by a limited or by an unlimited warfare; by a limited warfare, as by retaliation, by reprisals, or other modified redress; by an unlimited warfare, as in cases of general hostilities in a public war. It is obvious, that a resort to arms can be properly had only when all peaceable means of redress have been exhausted, and for causes of an important nature. 2. And this leads us to the consideration of the rights and duties of nations in regard to each other, which belong to a state of war,-First, between the nations at war. The right of declaring war results from the right of a nation to preserve its own existence, its own liberties, and its own essential interests. In a state of nature, men have a right to employ force in self-defence; and, when they enter into society, this right is transferred to the government, and is an incident to sovereignty. 1. What are just causes for entering into war, is a question which has been much discussed by publicists. It is difficult to lay down any general rules on the subject, and nations must be ultimately left to decide for themselves, when the exigency arises. In general, it may be said, that war ought not to be entered into, except for very cogent reasons, as it necessarily involves much personal suffering, and many private as well as public sacrifices. No man can look upon the conflicts of armies and navies, the pillage of cities, the devastation of provinces, end the destruction of property and of life, which it unavoidably involves, without feeling that a deep moral responsibility attaches upon the nation which undertakes it. Defensive wars are necessarily justifiable from the fact, that they involve the existence or safety of the nation and its interests. But offensive wars are of a very different character, and can be justified only in cases of aggravated wrongs, or vital injuries. 2. In respect to the mode of declaring war. It may be formal, as by a public declaration, or informal, as by actual hostilities. In modern times, nations are accustomed, generally, to make a public declaration, and to justify themselves before the world, by a manifesto of their reasons. 3. The effects of a declaration of war. The first effect is to put all the subjects of each of the nations in a state of hostility to each other. All public and all private social intercourse are suspended between them. They are not at liberty to engage in trade, or commerce, or contract, with each other; and they re

tain the character of enemies, in whatever country they may be found. In the next place, all the property belonging to each is deemed hostile. If it be personal property, it may be captured as prize; if lands, it may be seized, and confiscated, at the pleasure of the sovereign; if it be merely in debts or stock, it may, in the extreme exercise of the laws of war, be equally liable to confiscation. In general, each nation restrains the right to make captures, and to carry on hostilities, to such persons as are in public employment, or to such as receive a public commission for this purpose. Mere private warfare is not allowed, except under many restrictions. Thus the usual modes of carrying on war are by armies, navies, and privateers, acting under the immediate authority of the government. 4. But, although the extreme rights of war are thus rigorous and oppressive, there seems no reason to exclude, even between enemies, the common duties of humanity. While the battle rages, indeed, every thing but slaughter and victory are forgotten. But, as soon as it is over, the conquerors are bound to treat the wounded with kindness, and the prisoners with a decent humanity. And they who knowingly offend, in these cases, are guilty of a gross violation of duty in the eyes of God and man. And there are some things which seem positively prohibited from their cruelty and brutal barbarity: such are the violation of female captives, the torturing of prisoners, the poisoning of wells, the use of inhuman instruments of war. 5. In time of war, there is occasionally an intercourse between the belligerents, which should always be held sacred. Thus the granting of passports, and ransom of prisoners and property; the interchange of prisoners by cartels; the temporary suspension of hostilities by truces; the passage of flags of truce; the engaging in treaties of capitulation, in cases of besieged armies or cities,all these are matters which are held in great reverence, and demand the exercise of the utmost good faith. A fortiori, there should be a total absence of all fraud and stratagem, in cases where preliminary negotiations are entered into for the purpose of restoring peace. 6. In respect to captures made in war, they generally enure to the benefit of the sovereign, unless he has made some other positive distribution of them. When any conquest of territory is made, the inhabitants immediately pass under the dominion of the conqueror, and are subject to such laws as he chooses to impose upon them. Generally, it is for the

interest, as it certainly is the common policy, of the conqueror to respect the rights of private persons and private property. But in strictness, his power over each is unlimited, unless so far as it may be restrained by articles of capitulation, or by moral or religious obligations. In cases of reconquest, the property, unless previously disposed of, returns to the original owner by the jus postliminii, in like manner as the restoration of a prisoner of war to his own country reinstates him in his prior rights. 7. There are also certain rights which war confers on the belligerents in respect to neutrals. Thus they have a right to blockade the ports, or besiege the cities, of their enemies, and to interdict all trade by neutrals with them. They have a right, also, to insist that neutrals shall conduct themselves with good faith, and abstain from all interference in the contest by supplying their enemy with things contraband of war. And if neutrals do so interfere, they have a right to punish them, either personally or by a confiscation of the property taken in delicto. And hence arises the incidental right of search of ships on the high seas, for the detection of contraband goods. Secondly, we next come to the consideration of the rights and duties of neutrals. A neutral nation is bound to observe entire impartiality between the belligerents. It is bound to consider the war just on each side, at least to assume it to be so, so far as regards its own conduct. It should do nothing, therefore, which favors one party at the expense of the other; although, if it has previously entered into treaties with one of them, by which it is bound to lend a limited aid, by supplying stores or troops, it is obliged to conform to its treaty obligations. This becomes often a duty full of peril and difficulty, and, in many instances, will involve the neutral in all the embarrassments of becoming a party to the war; for the other side has a right to treat such interferences as acts of hostility, although, if they are of a very limited extent, they are often silently tolerated. Neutral nations are, strictly speaking, bound to compel their subjects to abstain from every interference in the war, as by carrying contraband goods, serving in the hostile army, furnishing supplies, &c. In practice, however, in cases of contraband goods, the belligerents content themselves with exercising the right of confiscation; and the neutral nation submits to this as a just and fit remedy, without any complaint. Subject to the exceptions above referred to, a neutral has a right to insist

upon carrying on its ordinary commerce, with each of the belligerents, in the same manner as it had been accustomed to do in times of peace. Whether it may carry on a trade with either belligerent in war, which is interdicted in peace, is a point which has given rise to very sharp controversy in modern times, and especially between England and America, the former contending for the restriction to the accustomed trade, the latter insisting upon also carrying on the unaccustomed trade. Whether a neutral nation is bound to allow a passage to the troops of either belligerent through its own territory, is a point often discussed. Strictly speaking, neither party has a right to insist on such a passage; and if it is granted to either, and materially affects the fortune of the war, it is almost always construed as an act of hostility to the other party, and is resented accordingly. A neutral nation has also a right to insist, that no hostilities shall be committed by the belligerents within its territorial limits. The persons and the property of enemies, which are within such limits, are deemed inviolable, and entitled to neutral protection. But the property of an enemy, found on board a neutral ship on the high seas, is deemed good prize, and e converso the property of a neutral, found on board of an enemy's ship, is deemed neutral. The reason for the difference is, that upon land the neutral sovereign has exclusive jurisdiction, within his own territory, over all persons and property within it. But all nations have a common jurisdiction on the high seas to enforce their rights, and the right of search carries with it an incidental jurisdiction over all enemy's property found therein, in the ships of a neutral. This right of search, however, is strictly confined to merchant ships, and is never extended to ships of war, belonging to the nation itself; for in such ships the national sovereignty is exclusive. In general, too, the character of neutral, or enemy, is decided by the fact of domicil. A native born subject of one belligerent, who resides in a neutral country, is treated, at least for the purposes of trade, as a neutral; and, on the other hand, a neutral subject, domiciled in an enemy's country, is treated, for the like purposes, as an enemy. In cases of civil war, the rights and duties of neutrals are not essentially different. Every neutral is bound to ab stain from all active interference in the contest, on one side or the other. If the contest gives rise to the establishment of independent governments, formed out of

the severance of the old empire, it is not deemed an act of hostility to recognise each as having a sovereign existence as a nation. But while the contest is dubious, and the affair wears the appearance of a mere private rebellion, such a recognition would be deemed an active interference to promote the civil war, and therefore, would, or at least might, be resented as a departure from the neutral character. Such is a very general outline of some of the more important principles which are recognised in the law of nations. To go into the details would require an entire treatise upon the law of prize, and another upon many complicated questions, growing out of international rights and duties in times of peace.

NATIVITY, in astrology; the theme or figure of the heavens, and particularly of the twelve houses, at the moment when a person was born; called, also, the horoscope. (See Horoscope, and Astrology.) NATOLIA, OF ANATOLIA, or ANADOLI; a province of Asiatic Turkey, bounded N. by the Black sea, E. by Armenia and Syria, S. by the Mediterranean, and W. by the Archipelago and the sea of Marmora; about 650 miles long, from E. to W., and 400 broad, from N. to S.; square miles, 270,000; population, 6,000,000. Within these limits are included not only Natolia Proper, but also Caramania, Roum, and Aladulia. The whole is divided, by the Turks, into six pachalics, viz. Natolia, Sivas, Trebisond, Konieh or Cogni, Marasch, and Adana. The capital of Natolia Proper is Kiutajah; the principal seaport, Smyrna; other principal towns are Bursa, Angora, Sinob, Guzel-Hisar, Aphiom-Karahisar and Ismid. It is divided into 17 sangiacats. Natolia was anciently called Asia Minor, which comprised ancient Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Galatia, Phrygia, Mysia, olia, Ionia, Lydia, Caria, Doris, Pysidia, Licia and Pamphylia. (See the articles.) The soil is in general fertile, producing corn, tobacco, and fruits of various kinds, cotton and silk; and, notwithstanding the indolence of the Turks, the commerce is considerable, particularly in carpets, leather, drugs, cotton, silk, and other articles of manufacture and produce. The greater part of the inhabitants are Mohammedans; but there are many Christians, principally of the Greek church, governed by patriarchs, archbishops and bishops, who are tolerated by the Porte. There are, likewise, many Armenians, and some Roman Catholics. (See Ottoman Empire.) NATROLITE. (See Zeolite.) NATRON; a salt which is found in the

ashes of several marine plants; in some lakes, as in the Natron lakes of Egypt; and in some mineral springs, &c. (See Soda.)

NATURAL BRIDGE, in Rockbridge county, Virginia. This bridge, which is over Cedar creek, is a great curiosity. Its dimensions are vast; its appearance lofty, grand, and even awful. It stands on the ascent of a hill, which, according to the opinion of some persons, has been cloven by some great convulsion; but according to the opinion of others, the chasm has been worn by the action of the water. The fissure, at the bridge, is 250 feet deep, 45 wide at the bottom, and 90 at the top. The rock, which forms the bridge, is 60 feet broad in the middle, and is covered with earth and trees. Here is a postoffice; 14 miles S. W. of Lexington, and 180 W. of Richmond.

NATURAL HISTORY is the description of all bodies belonging to nature, in one of the narrow senses of the word nature, in which it is confined to the visible objects of this earth, including, of course, the phenomena of their growth and formation. The systems of the different kingdoms of nature will be found under their respective heads; and our limits do not permit us to give here an account of the general systems which have attempted to classify all the phenomena of created objects. Generally speaking, only the external description of the objects of nature is comprised in natural history, and chemistry (q. v.) and natural philosophy (q. v.) are excluded, leaving only four chief divisions: 1. geology, or mineralogy in its most extensive sense; 2. phytology, or botany (the natural history of plants); 3. zoology (description of animals); and, 4. anthropology (the natural history of man). Another division has been made, by German naturalists, with reference to the form of bodies, their composition, and their functions (if they are endowed with life), which gives rise to the three departments of morphology, chemistry, and biology or physiology. Aristotle is to be regarded as the founder of natural history. (See Aristotle.) Of the Romans, Pliny the Elder (q. v.) deserves to be particularly mentioned. He left a collection of notices respecting natural history, though deformed by a mass of incorrect observations and fabulous reports. In the darkness which the middle ages spread over the West, the natural sciences suffered severely; nature was dealt with in a most barbarous and absurd manner by the schoolmen. With the revival of learning, a new day dawned on natural history; Bacon led the way to

closer observation, and much was done, in the last century, by Conrad Gesner in Zurich (q. v.), Aldrovandi at Bologna, Ray in England, Tournefort in France, and others; but Linnæus first collected and systematized the treasures of natural science. He gave us the first system of nature; and though it is an artificial system, and not founded in nature itself, he has done more for natural history than almost any man for any other branch of knowledge. Since his time, natural history has been cultivated with the greatest zeal in Germany, England, France, Sweden, Russia, and of late in the U. States. Buffon did much for this science, by the splendid style in which he taught it. The desire to treat natural history according to a natural system, not only in single branches, like botany, but, if possible, in its whole range, became more and more general. Oken (q. v.) has occupied himself with the latter task particularly, and given to the public several results of his labor. The number of works, in the various departments of natural history, is very great. Böhmer's Bibliotheca Scriptorum Hist. natural. (Leipsic, 1785 et seq., in 5 parts, 10 vols.), gives those which appeared before the beginning of this century, when a very interesting period commences. A complete view of the present state of this science may be found in Cuvier's Dictionnaire des Sciences Naturelles, which has been publishing, since 1816, in Paris, in large 4to. Among the manuals on natural history, Blumenbach's Naturgeschichte is one of the most distinguished. Not unworthy to be mentioned here is the Naturhistorischer Atlas, by Goldfuss (Düsseldorf, 1824), which is to contain 480 lithographed plates.

NATURALISTS, ASSOCIATION OF GERMAN PHYSICIANS, AND,. Natural philosophy and natural history are studies very extensively cultivated in Germany, by men who devote themselves particularly to the scientific pursuit of these studies, as well as by physicians, &c.; and it was thought that an annual meeting, which might assemble many of the persons thus engaged, would have the most beneficial influence on the progress of science, by the free interchange of their ideas and discoveries, and the mutual stimulus which they would afford each other, besides the benefit which those from a distance would derive from visiting the various museums and libraries. Professor Oken (q. v.) proposed, accordingly, a plan of such a society, which actually went into operation in 1822, and has repeated its annual meet

ings, each time in a different city, alternately in Southern and Northern Germany, ever since, with the most successful results. The society was established Sept. 18, 1822. Its meetings are always in autumn, and do not last longer than a week. Every author of a work on natural philosophy or medicine is considered a member; inaugural dissertations, however, are not considered as scientific works for this purpose. No election of members takes place. Whoever attends is a member for the time. Meetings are always with open doors, and begin September 18. The members are divided into classes, who meet by themselves, in addition to the general meetings. Each year, a president and secretary (the only officers) are chosen for the next year. The association makes no assessment, and holds no property except its records. The expenses of the meeting are defrayed by the members present. Men of science from almost all parts of Europe have attended the last meetings, and, in 1829, when it was at Heidelberg, an invitation was received from the baron De Ferussac, in Paris, requesting this association to cooperate with the society_who carry on the Universal Bulletin, in Paris. The writer of this short notice has published a more minute account of this society and its spirit, in No. LXVII of the North American Review, with a translation of its constitution.

NATURALIZATION. (See Alien.)

NATURAL LAW, or, as it is commonly called, the law of nature, is that system of principles, which human reason has discovered to regulate the conduct of man in all his various relations. Doctor Paley defines it to be the science, which teaches men their duty and the reasons of it. In its largest sense, it comprehends natural theology, moral philosophy, and political philosophy; in other words, it comprehends man's duties to God, to himself, to other men, and as a member of political society. The obligatory force of the law of nature upon man is derived from its presumed coincidence with the will of his Creator. God has fashioned man according to his own good pleasure, and has fixed the laws of his being, and determined his powers and faculties. He has the supreme right to prescribe the rules, by which man shall regulate his conduct, and the means, by which he shall obtain happiness and avoid misery. He has given to man the power of discerning between good and evil, and a liberty of choice in the use of those means, which