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palmetto and hickory tree, transplanted in full bloom from the soil in which they originally grew, and waving in that of their adoption as freshly as they ever did before. The front of the building was decorated with two full-rigged frigates, manned and armed, mounting each fiftytwo guns, and one rakish-looking and elegant tender-all perfect models of naval architecture. These were each surmounted by a broad transparent archway, over the centre of which appeared illuminated the words, "Don't give up the ship!" Three other transparencies, allegorical and emblematic, directly beneath the archway completed the decorations in front.

CEREMONIES AT THE DINNER.

The viands and other eatables being removed, the president of the day called the assembly to order, when the following toasts were drank, accompanied by the reading of letters, and the delivery of suitable speeches.

REGULAR TOASTS.

1. The Day-Consecrated to American Liberty by American Patriots: May this return of it revive American feelings in every American bosom. [Air-Hail Columbia.]

2. The Memory of Washington: May his farewell advice be engraved on our hearts, and his whole life illustrated in our conduct. [Solemn Dirge.]*

3. The Patriots of the Revolution: United they stood-divided we fall. [Ye sons of Columbia who bravely have fought.]

4. The President of the United States: He will fill the measure of his glory, by preserving the Union, without impairing the rights of the States. [The President's March.]

5. The Vice-President of the United States: His political intimates have declared their sentiments of Nullification-will he shrink from an open exposition of his own? [Let every Pagan muse be gone.]

6. The Congress of the United States: Wisdom to their councils, harmony to their measures, and the happiness of the people for their only object. [The breeze was hush'd, a star was prone.]

7. The Governor of South Carolina: "The union of this confederation is the key-stone of the whole fabric of our political and national greatness, our civil and social prosperity. Let this sentiment enter with religious solemnity into all our public relations with our country, and form a theme of domestic instruction at our altars and fire-sides."-Oration Fourth July, 1821, by James Hamilton, Jr. [Governor's March.]

8. The People of South Carolina: They will preserve the Unionpeaceably, if they can. [Home, sweet home.]

9. The Union: The foundation on which rests American LibertyDestroy the one, and the other must fall. [Yankee Doodle.]

10. The People of the United States: Let them never forget that an injury to one State, is an injury to all; and that the power which shall crush one, may destroy all. [Meeting of the waters.]

11. The American System: The offspring of a wily ambition which would corrupt the people at their own expense. ['Tis all but a dream.] 12. The Government of a Majority-States and People: If this will not do, what will? [Garry Owen.]

13. The Senate of the United States-The Palladium of State Rights: They have a veto on the proceedings of the representatives of the people. [As a beam o'er the face of the waters.]

14. The House of Representatives of the United States-The Palladium of Democracy: They have a veto on the proceedings of the Senate. [See from ocean rising.]

15. The Judiciary of the United States: Nominated by the President, the agent of the people and States; and confirmed by the Senate, the agents of the States, to settle all differences under the law and the Constitution. [The Light-House.]

16. The Law of Nations-The Guide of Sovereign Powers: Better administered by a court arranged by the parties than by conflicting armies or artful diplomatists. [The Legacy.]

17. The Declaration of Independence: "If governments do not answer the ends for which they were intended, they ought to be changed, but not for light and transient causes." [Jefferson's March.]

18. State Sovereignty: If one State has the right to change the government, the others have a right to prevent it. [Ye mortals whom fancy and troubles perplex.]

19. "State Rights and Free Trade": Preserve the Union and both are safe. [America, Commerce and Freedom.]

20. The Tariff: A tax upon all—a benefit to but few; it must soon be smothered in its own accumulations. [The day is departed.]

21. The Memory of William Lowndes: A patriot pure-for power he never sought; from duty he never shrunk. [A Solemn Dirge.]

22. "Nullification," "Secession," and "Putting the State upon its Sovereignty": Revolution in disguise. [Black Joe.]

23. The Honorable William Smith-Proscribed in 1830 by the Proselytes he made in 1825: May the day not be at hand when he may say in the language of Milton

"I did but prompt the age to quit their clogs-
By the known rules of ancient Liberty-
When straight a barbarous noise environs me;
They brawl for Freedom in their senseless mood,
And still revolt; when truth would set them free,
License they mean, when they cry Liberty.

[Keen blows the blast.]

24. Charles Carroll of Carrollton-The last Surviving Apostle of Independence: In the morning of life, he beheld his country ushered into existence; God forbid that the evening of his days should be clouded by her destruction. [The last Rose of Summer.]

The Honorable William Drayton: Who with more than Roman virtue, sacrificed the dearest ties of personal and family friendship for the good of his country.

LETTERS AND SPEECHES.

As soon as the applause with which the fourth toast was drank had subsided, Col. G. W. Cross, a member of the committee of arrangements, rose and begged leave to read for the gratification of the people the following correspondence with the President of the United States, inviting him to participate in the celebrations of the day, which was received with loud and reiterated cheers:

CHARLESTON, S. C., June 5.

His Excellency Andrew Jackson, President of the United States:

SIR, The undersigned, on behalf of their fellow-citizens of "The Union and State Rights Party," have the honor to invite you to a dinner given on the approaching Fourth of July, in celebration of the anniversary of American Independence.

Had we regarded this return of the birthday of our nation as an era of merely ordinary import, we should not perhaps have taken the liberty to present ourselves to you. But the case is far otherwise.

As a native of the State of South Carolina, and one whom she has always delighted to honor, we do not doubt, sir, that you have felt such interest in the expressions of sentiment and opinion, which have been elicited during the progress of affairs among us, as to be fully aware of the great lines of distinction drawn between the several parties in the State, as well as of the portentous omens which threaten us with civil convulsion. It is well known to you and to the world, that the late political discussions and events have tended to loosen those bonds of fraternal affection which once united the remotest parts of our great empire. Geographical limits are familiarly referred to as connected with separate and disjoined interests, and too many of our youth are growing up, as we fear, and deeply lament, in the dangerous belief that these interests are incompatible and conflicting.

We conceive it, sir, to be a matter of infinite importance to our country, that these fatal errors should be promptly corrected, and the feelings which they engender thoroughly eradicated, that the ancient ties of friendship may once more knit closely together the several members of our happy confederacy. It is our special aim to revive in its full force, the benign spirit of Union-to renew the mutual confidence in each other's good will and patriotism, without which the laws and

statutes, and forms of government of these States, will exist in vain. We disclaim from the bottom of our hearts, all political or party purposes of local nature or circumscribed extent. We esteem as brethren and associates all who cordially unite with us in devotion to our common country, and in the firm resolution to defend her institutions, and transmit them unimpaired to the generations that shall succeed us. Your sentiments in relation to this subject are well known, and have been repeatedly announced, and we are proud to regard you, sir, as one of our fathers and leaders.

In this spirit, and with these views, we request the honor of your presence on the approaching occasion. The citizens of Charleston have flattered themselves with the hope that you would be able, without inconvenience, to comply with their invitation, urged some time since through the municipal authorities. May we be permitted to indicate the period of your visit so far as that it shall include the anniversary of the Declaration of Independence.

With the most respectful consideration, sir, we have the honor to be, your Excellency's obedient servants,

JOHN STONEY,

RENE GODARD,
JOHN STROHECKER,

DENNIS KANE,

S. HENRY DICKSON,
WILLIAM KUNHARDT,
EDWIN P. STARR,

GEORGE WARREN CROSS,

FRANCIS Y. Porcher,

JAMES MOULTRIE,
JAMES ADGER,

J. HARLESTON Read,

JOHN WAGNER,

Committee of Arrangements.

The letter from Gen. Andrew Jackson, in reply to the above, was read, from the centre right by Col. Cross, from the left by Capt. E. P. Starr, and from the great extent of the Bower and assemblage, it not having been heard at the extreme ends, it was there read severally by the Hon. Thomas Lee and the Hon. Thomas S. Grimke.

WASHINGTON CITY, June 14, 1831.

Gentlemen, It would afford me much pleasure, could I at the same time accept your invitation of the 5th instant and that with which I was before honored by the municipal authorities of Charleston. A necessary attention to the duties of my office must deprive me of the gratification I should have had in paying, under such circumstances, a visit to the State of which I feel a pride in calling myself a citizen by birth

Could I accept your invitation, it would be with the hope that all parties-all the men of talent, exalted patriotism, and private worth, who have been divided in the manner you describe, might be found united before the altar of their country on the day set apart for the solemn celebration of its independence-independence which cannot exist without Union, and with it is eternal.

Every enlightened citizen must know that a separation, could it be effected, would begin with civil discord, and end in colonial dependence on a foreign power, and obliteration from the list of nations. But he should also see that high and sacred duties which must and will, at all hazards, be performed, present an insurmountable barrier to the success of any plan of disorganization, by whatever patriotic name it may be decorated, or whatever high feelings may be arrayed for its support. The force of these evident truths, the effect they must ultimately have upon the minds of those who seem for a moment to have disregarded them, make me cherish the belief I have expressed, that could I have been present at your celebration, I should have found all parties concurring to promote the object of your association. You have distinctly expressed that object-"to revive in its full force the benign spirit of Union, and to renew the mutual confidence in each other's good will and patriotism." Such endeavors, calmly and firmly persevered in, cannot fail of success. Such sentiments are appropriate to the celebration of that high festival which commemorates the simultaneous declaration of Union and Independence-and when on the return of that day, we annually renew the pledge that our heroic fathers made of life, of fortune, and of sacred honor, let us never forget that it was given to sustain us a United, not less than an Independent people.

Knowing as I do, the private worth and public virtues of distinguished citizens to whom declarations inconsistent with an attachment to the Union have been ascribed, I cannot but hope that, if accurately reported, they were the effect of momentary excitement, not deliberate design; and that such men can never have formed the project of pursuing a course of redress through any other than constitutional means; but if I am mistaken in this charitable hope, then in the language of the father of our country, I would conjure them to estimate properly "the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness"; to cherish "a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest, even a suspicion, that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts."

Your patriotic endeavors, gentlemen, to lessen the violence of party dissension cannot be forwarded more effectually than by inculcating a reliance on the justice of our National Councils, and pointing to the fast approaching extinction of the public debt, as an event which must necessarily produce modifications in the revenue system, by which all interests, under a spirit of mutual accommodation and concession, will be probably protected.

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