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DEC. 30, 1824.]

national institution.

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institutions of a similar description in the United States. of human beings who are devoted to the cause of humanThe sum was a small one, and he did not object to theity, a sentiment of admiration, mingled with surprise, amount, but objected to making the institution a na-fills my mind in regarding the character of this individutional one in an indirect manner. They would advance al. I know, said Mr. J. the individuals who conduct step by step, and, by and by, after thus aiding the insti- this institution; they have little or no remuneration, and tution, they would have to support it as a national one. even that little is devoted to the improvement of the esHe thought it a very useful institution, and was willing tablishment. I know these individuals, and pledge myit should be supported on a similar footing with all the self for the truth of what I state. Whatever we may others; but, before he gave his vote in its favor, he must think of this appropriation, we may rest assured that it first see the question settled whether it was or was not a is not for the purpose of individual aggrandizement. And why, he asked, should not this be a national institution? Are we afraid of forming a precedent? If I thought it would be of any service to plead for this institution, I would do it; but I have not the talent, nor would such an appeal have any influence on this honorable body. All the institution asks of you is to relinquish the claim upon them, that they may say, "we have no mortgage, no pressure upon us but the balance of the debt incurred in establishing our institution." Let Congress assist it, and it will encourage individuals from all parts to lend their assistance; and, by giving a little to this institution, a favorite wish of our immortal Washington will be realised. We have the exclusive legisla tion for this territory; therefore, they appeal to you, and say, "forgive us, remove from us this heavy burthen, which bears us to the earth, so will our institution flourish and prosper."

Mr. R. M. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, said, after the interesting and able view which had been taken of this subject by the chairman of the committee, (Mr. BARBOUR,) it would be useless for him to occupy much of the time of the Senate on it. You, sir, said Mr. J. are well aware of the power of education on the human race as it regards religion, morals, politics, arts, and sciences; and its effects in promoting the happiness and welfare of mankind. Turn to the annals of this country, and there is abundant proof of the munificence and liberality of Congress in promoting the literary efforts of the new states which are admitted into the Union, by a grant of the public domain for the support of these institutions. It was the policy pursued under the administration of the Father of his Country, and has been con tinued, under the distinguished men who succeeded him, to the present time. There was no voice in opposition to the policy which dictated the donations to the infant states admitted into the Union. Could gentlemen say this was a partial appropriation? Would the honorable gentleman oppose an appropriation which tended to raise man from the savage state, and bestow on him all the benefits of civilized life? Congress has shown its beneficence to the rising youth of the country, to whom is to descend the invaluable legacy of liberty, for which our fathers fought and bled, and for which my honorable friend from Maine has shown his devotion on all occasions. In vain we fight for our country, in vain we defend the liberty we have received, if we are to be deprived of the blessings of education, which are enjoyed by all civilized nations. We well know, said Mr. J. how the mind even of the philosopher is biassed, as regards government and religion, for want of liberal education, and we know how their morals differ from those who receive instruction from the divine book which comprises all good.

Mr. HOLMES, of Maine, said, the Senate ought not to deceive itself as to what was asked of it. The plain statement of the case was this: We are to give them the sum of $25,000 dollars, because their affairs are so embarrassed they cannot go on without it. He considered it the same as paying so much money out of the Treasury, & when they have obtained this, they may ask for an equal sum to discharge any other debt. The question is, said Mr. H. will you give them this sum? For my part, if it is necessary for them, standing in the relation they do with respect to us, I see no difficulty in the way. I don't, however, said Mr. H. look upon it as a national institution. I dislike the term; we are every day becoming a little too national. It is a territorial institution, instituted in this territory, over which we have exclusive legislation, and being so, it is our duty to legislate properly for them, and promote the happiness of this district. Whether the people connected with this college have acted purely from disinterested motives, it is not for me to inquire; they have acted as other men have done, who wish to In what relation, continued Mr. J. does this unhappy establish a literary institution. If the object is a good District stand to the other portions of the United States? one, I don't wish to inquire into their motives. They The people of it are without a representative, without say their funds are insufficient; and, how far you are to those immunities which are enjoyed by the other classes go in assisting them, is the question you are now to setof citizens; deprived of the active exercise of all those tle. It may be said, if you give to this institution, you principles which dignify the human character, and re- must give to every one throughout the States. But I mind us we are men. Although they may, in reality, hold it a very important principle, that Government be happy, yet they cannot mix in the debates of this or should never patronise or endow an institution over any other body. By the policy of the General Govern- which it has no control. You may make a grant, and ment, we have made liberal donations for the support another State may legislate; but in this instance you of education; and there is not a state in the Union but grant and you legislate likewise. I think we are bound possesses two or three seminaries of learning, where the to give this sum. It may be objected that we are behigher branches of education are taught; but this col-ginning at the wrong end, by endowing an establishlege is not endowed by Government-by the only government that can endow it, or to which it can look for aid. They say you have a claim on them, it presses I, said Mr. H. do not regret, as some gentlemen seem very heavy on them, and they ask you to release them to do, that this District has no representative in Congress. from this claim. After having expended 100,000 thou- The circuinstance of Congress possessing the District, sand dollars, they are still 30,000 dollars in debt. If it and fixing the seat of Government here, has given it is believed that we possess the power, is there a bosom more influence than the largest State in the United that will not sympathise with them? In the progress of States has, or ever will have. I hope the time will nev this institution, the character of a man is brought before er come when an alteration in the constitution shall be us, who seems to have lived for nothing else but to serve necessary to give this District a Representative. It is the public in promoting institutions for the benefit of the always the case that, where the seat of Government is, rising generation, without the least advantage to him there the people will possess great influence: only look self, or any expectation of reward, save that arising from at the appointments made and the offices held. They a good conscience. When I reflect on the character of need no Representative to give them influence. mankind, and how few there are, amongst the millions should legislate for them as we would for our children,

ment for the higher branches of education, while we neglect the primary schools.

We

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them or not?

Mr. MILLS, of Massachusetts, observed that, before this bill was passed, it would be well to consider the character of the corporation for whose relief the bill was reported. If it is allowed to be a national institution, said Mr. M. then they have a right to appeal to the national legislature. The question whether there should be a national university at the seat of Government, has been agitated at different periods, and has been, from time to time, recommended by the distinguished individuals who have presided over the nation.

out the country.

[DEC. SO, 1824.

people of it were as able to pay for the education of their own children as any state in the Union. Their advantages were immense. This bill did not go so far as it did last session: it asked now only for 25,000 dollars; but, if it were for only 25 cents, his objections to it would be the same.

Mr. BARBOUR again rose. He begged leave to observe, that this was not considered a national institution. If, said he, I had presented it to the notice of the Senate as such, I should have been ashamed to have made a beginning with a bad debt of $25,000 for its endowment; surely any man would be ashamed of such a thing. It is only an institution diffusing benefit throughout the nation, but not the child of national patronage. If gentlemen will give themselves the trouble to refer to the reI recollect very well the history and origin of this in- port, they will perceive that it is an institution which stitution. When their application for a charter came draws after it the advantages of a national university, before the Senate, all intention of asking pecuniary aid although not created by the Government, or making from Congress was disavowed. They came forward and any claim upon it. A homogeneous people is produced prayed that an act of Congress might pass for their in- by being educated in a similar manner; and every one corporation, for the better management of the tunds is aware what effect similarity of feeling produces. Its that had been raised by individual subscription in the effects are most evidently calculated to guaranty the different parts of the Union, for erecting a college here. continuance of our Government. If we had a national It is purely an eleemosynary institution, and Govern- institution, equal to that suggested by Washington and ment has no control over it except the power to modify Madison, the youth of the country would resort to it or change, or, if necessary, repeal their charter. It from all parts of the Union; they would there form those possesses no visitorial power, or any control over the fine feelings of friendship, which are the strongest tie funds. They selected the spot themselves for its erec-between man and man throughout life; and these good tion in the District of Columbia, and their locating it in- feelings would have the most salutary influence on the this District, by their own will, no more entitles them councils of the nation. I do not speak of this institution to aid from Government, than if they had located it in as created by the nation; but, from its locality, it preIllinois or Maryland. Therefore, this is not a national sents itself favorably to Congress, and that is the 'whole institution. If the time comes when we shall see a na- extent of the view I have taken. tional university established, I hope, said Mr. M. to see But, said Mr. B. there is a scarecrow placed here. it endowed with a liberality and munificence commen-You must not do right now, lest you do wrong hereafter. surate with the means and resources of the country. The gentleman (Mr. Mills) has stated that there was an This institution disclaims every idea of the kind, and is intimation or promise, at the time of the incorporation, on the same footing with every similar institution through that no aid should be asked for. At that time they thought none would be necessary; they had received The honorable gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. BAB- $50,000, and they thought they could accomplish their BOUR) had stated the manner in which the debt origin- object from individual assistance alone. The success ated. The college assumed this debt voluntarily, but which had thus attended the exertions of the friends of have they, said Mr. M. received nothing for it? Why this establishment, arising from voluntary grants, justidid they guaranty it? What business had they to med-fied the opinion they had formed of being able to stand dle with it? I hope they were not so incautious as to alone. But we all know that great pecuniary distress assume a debt without receiving a quid pro quo. If, in had fallen upon the land, of which thousands had been speculation, they have involved themselves, they stand on the victims. Instead, therefore, of finding the same lithe same footing with other individuals or corporations beral aid which they had experienced in the commencewho have met with a similar misfortune. I have not yet ment, they found every hand closed, and to be opened seen any reason why Government should extend its li- only by their own imperious necessities. berality to them by giving up this debt. Any individual It is said, if we give in this instance, we shall be oblig. who is a debtor to the Government, may as well say heed to give to every state establishment of the kind; but cannot carry on his business unless the Government will where is the resemblance between this District and any give up the debt. I wish to know how they became other place? Here we have entire control; here is proresponsible, and what value they have received for it. perty belonging to the territory, which we obtained by Mr. MACON observed, that claims on Congress were accepting the territory; they have no legislature to something like wine and spirits; they improved by age. which they can resort but to Congress. In the new He agreed to every word the honorable gentleman from states, I repeat again, one 36th part of the public lands Kentucky had said on the subject of education, and the has been allotted to the purpose of education; but is freedom with which students of all religious persuasions that the case here? Out of lots owned by the Governwere admitted in this college. But that had nothing to ment in this city, to the amount of two millions, not a do with the question. It appeared to him that, by some cent has been devoted. bargain or other, the college was indebted to the United States. This bargain was made between the Secretary of the Treasury and the Trustees of the college, and was like all other bargains. They thought they had made a profitable one, but they were mistaken. Congress might lay a tax on the District for the purposes of education. In all the states there were taxes laid for the purpose of education; and there was not a college in the Union but received students of every denomination of religion. They never asked what was his creed; but, if he was moral and studious, he was admitted. Although this District had no representative, Mr. M. said, it was in a better situation than any other part of the Union, from the quantity of public money expended in it; and the

This college, said Mr. B. differs from similar institutions, in other parts of the Union, inasmuch as its bene fits, from the centrality of its position, will extend to the remotest parts of the United States---and what do they ask? Although my friend is not governed by dollars and cents, others may be, and it is frequently a weighty argument. The honorable gentleman says, he considers it as a grant of $25,000; but this is not the case; it is the mere release of a debt, which is never to be recovered by the United States; it is of no advantage to the states, but lies like an incubus on the college. There is a vast difference between paying away $25,000, and releasing

a bad debt to that amount.

Some remarks have been made with respect to the

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hold which Congress possesses over this Institution. It is, said Mr. B. as absolute a despotism as any tyrant could wish. By the charter, the moment you withdraw your assent, they cease to exist--they live but in your presence; and I beg leave to ask, what greater control you would wish than that?

It has been remarked that this territory ought to be extremely rich, and the gentleman from Maine says he does not wish to see it represented in Congress; but this does not involve the question before the Senate. On that point, however, Mr. B. said, it is the genius of the constitution that the American people should be represented wherever they may be placed. Why should you wish to disfranchise them, and have a race of people placed beyond the scheme of the constitution?

I must now, said Mr. B., address myself to my friend from Massachusetts, in regard to his quid pro quo. We will take it, says he, for granted, that the trustees did receive a compensation for the debt: nominally, indeed, they did; but it was unavailable, and it has been a most unproductive transaction. Thousands of contracts are made, and prove ruinous; and, in such a case, would not every generous man do his utmost to relieve the sufferers? There has been no quid pro quo. It appeared at first that there was something like equality in the contract between the parties, but it was merely nominal, and now we know that it was a total loss on the part of the College.

[H. of R.

buildings, but all of it cannot be. What was then the question? Should the Government, by a rigid enforcement of their account, involve this valuable institution in destruction? He, for one, said No. On the ground taken, that the District was within their exclusive jurisdiction, that they had no representative, and were thrown on Congress, he wished the debt should be remitted. They had done much for education in other places, then why hesitate in this instance ?

Mr. MILLS said he understood that the corporation had assumed the debt amongst themselves since the completion of the buildings. It was an unwise and unnecessary speculation, which they ought not to have meddled with.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, in reply, assured him that he labored under a misapprehension-that the houses were purchased by Luther Rice, in his own name, for the use of the college. The proposition was made to the trustees of the college, to take the property, and give their note to a certain amount. The houses stand mortgaged to the Government of the United States, and the Secretary of the Treasury, knowing the debt was for the benefit of the college in the first instance, had placed it in the name of the college.

Mr. LLOYD, of Mass., requested to know with what view the purchase was originally made.

Mr. JOHNSON, in reply, stated that they were bought the college, and carrying on the affairs of the institution for the express purpose of accommodating the agents of before the college buildings were erected.

made.

I have, said Mr. B., no talent for illustrating the subject of education; but the fruits it has already brought forth in this very college, must make an immense impression on the public mind. An individual, without leMr. MILLS was not satisfied with the information obgislative aid, establishes an institution without any pros-tained in this way, but desired to have precise informapect to himself of earthly good, except the consciousness tion as to the subject in question; and, for the purpose of a good deed; he lays the foundation-it takes root, of obtaining it in a proper form, he moved the recomand flourishes; and, fyon such a beginning, it now con- mitment of the bill, that a report of the facts might be tains 120 of the future legislators of the country. From the specimens which have been produced, there is unequivocal evidence of the superior manner in which this institution is conducted. Yet it only asks release from a debt which it cannot pay, and which bears heavy on it; and is it a matter of fair argument to say that such an institution has no stronger claims than an individual ask-poration took place, the Secretary knew it was connect. ing for relief? The subject is now before you I have endeavored to acquit myself according to my view of it, and I recommend it to the favorable consideration of the Congress of the United States.

Mr. BARBOUR stated that the buildings were bought by I.. Rice, the founder of the institution, because he thought it would promote the object in view. The Secretary of the Treasury thought he could not be injured; for what he took was so much gained. After the incor

existence of the college is involved in the question, and you may, if you please, have the college cried through the streets, like a horse, and knocked down for what it

ed with this institution, and carried on the negotiation to make the debt a deot due from the Columbian College. These houses, said Mr. B., bear no proportion to the amount of the debt; and, if it can be paid, it must Mr. HOLMES, of Maine, could not agree with the be by the sale of the college, and, even then, the proreasoning of his friend from Virginia He says the cor- ceeds would be insufficient to satisfy the demand, as the poration is in debt, and cannot pay, therefore forgive-college owes other debts having a prior claim. The very ness must be extended to it. This is the last reason he should have thought of applying to a corporation. The next thing would be that the Bank of the United States would be asking them the favor to cede stock. Every corporation that comes to want is to be considered in the light of an individual debtor; but, in this instance, Mr. H. did not know who they were to forgive. The honorable gentleman had spoken of the right of representation in this District; but he would only answer him in the words of the Constitution, and that was a sufficient answer for him.

Mr. MACON observed that he still did not precisely understand what was wanted. Did the college want the Government to give up every thing while they gave up nothing? It mattered not whether the case applied to individuals or to corporations.

Mr. HAYNE did not rise to argue the question, but merely to discover whether he was correct in his idea of the subject. He understood, from the statements made, that the institution held certain buildings, and that the United States held their obligation for the debt. These buildings were essential for the prosperity of the institution, and it was not in the power of the officers to force payment without ruining the institution Part of the debt might be collected by the sale of the college VOL. 1.-7

will fetch.

Mr. CHANDLER recommended that the bill should be recommitted, and a report made to call on the Secretary of the Treasury for precise information regarding the debt. As to selling the college, they would, he hoped, never find it necessary to do that. The Govern ment would never press the institution to their injury. Let them pay it when they pleased, but only give the House the necessary information to act on.

Mr. LLOYD, of Maryland, observed, that his absence had prevented him from becoming fully acquainted with the facts on which this petition rested. He thought, however, that, if the Government released the college from the debt, the college ought, at least, to give up to the Government the property for which the debt was created. On these terms he would be willing to cancel the contract; and he moved the recommitment of the bill, with instructions to report to that effect.

Mr. NOBLE was opposed to the instructions. The motion to instruct the committee was lost; and then

The bill was recommitted without instructions.

H. of R.]

Illinois Canal-Amendments to the Constitution.

[DEC. 30, 1824.

might be in his power to do, with the time and attention which he could personally devote to it, were it referred to a special committee.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES-SAME DAY. On motion of Mr. ARCHER, of Virginia, it was Resolved, That a committee be appointed to unite with a committee from the Senate in announcing to General Mr. COCKE, of Tennessee, rose to inquire if the caLafayette the passage of the act concerning him, which nal referred to in the resolution of the gentleman from has just been approved, and to express to him the re- Illinois was the same for which land had been granted, at spectful request and confidence of the two Houses of a former session, to extend, if he recoll. cted rightly, a Congress that he will add his acceptance of the testimo-mile on each side of the canal. He heard some gentleny of public gratitude extended to him by this act to the many and signal proofs which he has afforded of his esteem for the United States.

THE ILLINOIS CANAL.

Mr. COOK, of Illinois, moved the following: Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire whether any, and, if any, what, provision it will be proper or practicable to make to aid the state of Illinois in opening a canal to connect the waters of Lake Michigan and the Illinois river; and that said committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.

man near him say that, in his opinion, he was mistakenperhaps he was mistaken as to the canal intended; but wished to know the fact.

Mr. COOK said this was the same canal. There had been a reservation of a mile on each side of it, by the United States; not for the purpose of making the canal, but for its own purposes, to be sold after the canal should be made. One object of inquiry for the committee was, whether it was expedient to grant this mile square, on each side of the proposed route of the canal, towards defraying the expense of making it. If not, the inquiry would then be, whether other means could be placed at the disposal of the state, to execute the canals, &c.

Mr. CLARKE, of New York, observed, that there was already a resolution lying on the table, which had refersirous that that should be previously disposed of, as it ence to the subject of canals generally, and he was dewould virtually include the object of the present resolution; and, under this persuasion, he moved to lay the resolution of the gentleman from Illinois, for the present,

on the table.

Mr. COOK, by way of explanation of his views in mov: ing this resolution, as it was rather out of the usual course to propose to refer such a subject to a select committee, made one or two suggestions. A year or two ago, he said, Congress passed a law granting to the state of Illinois certain privileges in relation to land through which the proposed canal is to pass. The state took all the necessary steps to avail herself of these privileges. But it was not likely that the state, from its ordinary means, could carry this measure into effect. ConMr. MERCER, of Virginia, then rose, and observed, gress have given to the state of Illinois a certain propor that he considered the resolution of the gentleman from tion of the nett proceeds of the sales of the public lands, Illinois a very reasonable one, and he thought that the for the encouragement of learning; and a portion of the subject to which it alluded had never been exhibited as public lands within the same state for the same purpose. it deserved. The Committee on Roads and Canals had If no better means should present themselves; if the already much to do, and could not devote to this indiviGovernment of the United States should not consider dual subject as much time and attention as it deserved. this canal, in a national view, of so much importance as If the motion to lay the resolution on the table prevailto construct it at its own cost, the state might be allowed, it would not be treating the resolution of the gentleed to convert its School Lands into a fund for the pur man with the same fairness as had been shown towards pose of making the canal, and to apply the toll from the others of a similar kind, several of which had already canal to the school purposes, thus merely changing the been offered, and all of them received a reference. He land into a canal stock, the profits of which to be ap- thought it was not the proper course to defer this subplied to the same purpose as the land is to serve-of en-ject till the general proposition should receive its discouraging learning. There were a variety of views which cussion; it was very possible that the committee of the Mr. C. said he could present to a committee on this sub whole might reject that proposition (not as opposed to ject, and to the House, upon a proper opportunity. This its principle, but esteeming it not the wisest that the canal was really a national object, worthy of the employ: case admitted of) and in the mean while much assistance ment of the national means. But, if this House should might be derived from the report of a select committee not consider it so, means to execute it might be placed on this subject, which would have a bearing on the geat the disposal of the state by the measure which he had suggested.

neral discussion.

amendment, and carried-ayes 63, noes 57.
The question was then put on Mr. ALLEN's motion for

Thus the resolution was so modified as to refer the

Which motion was agreed to, and the resolution order

Mr. ALLEN, of Massachusetts, was opposed to the re. ference of the resolution to a select committee. He thought that it properly appertained to the Committee subject to the Committee on Roads and Canals. The on Roads and Canals, who were perfectly competent to question then recurring on the resolution as amended, dispose of it; and he moved, as an amendment, to substitute the Committee on Roads and Canals for the project should go to a select committee, and believing that, Mr. COOK, feeling extremely anxious that this subposed select committee. Mr. COOK said, if he supposed the Committee on consider the vote just taken upon the amendment, movon further reflection, the House might be induced to reRoads and Canals could devote to this subject that attened to lay the resolve on the table. tion which its importance, in the estimation of the people of Illinois, at least, demanded, he should have no ob-ed to lie on the table accordingly. jection to the reference of the subject to that standing committee. But, already, so many subjects had been referred to that committee as to preclude such an inquiry into this subject as he felt it to be his duty to ask from the House. Understanding, as he did, the various phases of this question, Mr. C. said, he should hope that a select committee, exclusively devoted to the subject, would present a more satisfactory view of it than the Committee on Roads and Canals could do, giving to other matters already before them the attention which they just ly demanded. Feeling in the subject, as the representative of Illinois, a special interest, he was desirous of presenting the subject as strongly to the House as it

AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. Mr. STRONG, of New York, then rose, and said, it would be recollected by the House, that the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. MCDUFFIE,) had given notice that, on Monday, the 3d of January, he would call up the amendment proposed by him at the last session, to the constitution of the United States, and that the gentleman from Louisiana, (Mr. LIVINGSTON,) had given notice that, when that amendment was taken up, he should call up an amendment to it, proposed by himself at the last session. Mr. STRONG now wished to propose an amendment to the amendment of the gentleman from

DEC. 30, 1824.]

Amendments to the Constitution.-Niagara Sufferers.

Louisiana; the effect of which would be that, in the final vote for President of the United States in this House, the members, instead of voting collectively by states, should vote individually, as on any other question. Wishing to bring such a measure into discussion, he moved for the printing of all three amendments, (that of Mr MCDUFFIE, that of Mr. LIVINGSTON, and his own,) giving notice that he should move for the consideration of the whole subject on Monday next.

Mr. STRONG'S amendment is in the following words: "1. The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote, by ballot, for President and Vice President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice President; and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The Person having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors pointed; and if no person have such majority, then, from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. A quorum for this purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Representatives. Each Representative shall have one vote only; and a majority of the Representatives present and voting shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve on them, before the fourth of March next following, then the Vice President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President.

ap

"2. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice President shall be the Vice President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have a majority, then, from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice President. A quorum for this purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Sena tors, and a majority of the whole number shall be neces

sary to a choice.

[H. of R.

who, coming from the State where these claimants resided, were more particularly connected, by their situation, with the present bill. But he had risen, because he had had, in his own person, some opportunity of an acquaintance with the facts of the case, and such was their impression upon his own mind, that he felt confident there was not a man on that floor, let him come from the North or the South, from the East or the West, who, if he knew the sufferings of these claimants, would not be in favor of granting them relief. The assertion might be thought a bold one, but he felt no hesitation in making it, and he now repeated that, had gentlemen been eye witnesses to what was suffered on that frontier, not one would refuse to relieve the sufferers. On most subjects, he felt as much disposed to economise the public resources as any member of this House; but he could never consent that, when he who had thrown open his door to receive a suffering, perishing American soldier, and in consequence of his hospitality he had had his house burnt to the ground, asked compensation from the American Government, he should be sent away unaided. Mr. V. said he felt his inadequacy to do justice to the subject, or to his own feelings, and he well knew that, after the able speeches which had been made in opposition to the bill, from men of the first standing in the country, whoever rose to advocate it, must expect to row against a strong current. But if the arguments of those gentlemen are not more specious than sound, he was greatly mistaken.

He proceeded then to notice, in the first place, the doctrine advanced by the gentleman from North Caroli na, (Mr. WILLIAMS,) as to the policy of allowing these claims. [Here Mr. V. quoted Mr. W's speech, as reported in this paper; in that part of it which relates to the freedom of a citizen in choosing his abode on the frontier, and the comparative burdens of those on the border and in the interior.] Now, sir, said Mr. V. I say that this doctrine is more specious than solid. I hold a doctrine which I think more connected with patriotism and the best interests of our country, when I maintain that the sufferings of the citizen on the frontier should be made up to him by the rest of his countrymen.

The gentleman goes to the true ground, when he speaks of the doctrine of retaliation. Gentlemen may say what they will about national law, but the only true grounds on which to decide this question are those of self-preservation and retaliation. Mr. V. insisted, that two parts of the speech of the gentleman from North Carolina, were incompatible and contradictory. [Here he again quoted the report, in that part of it which relates to the devastations on the Chesapeake, where Mr. WILLIAMS refers to the President's letter to Cochrane, threatening retaliation if the outrages are continued.] Sir, that's the true doctrine-the only preservation of Mr. MERCER, of Virginia, said that he rose, not to any country. We have heard much of national law, and we have abused the British from one end of the country oppose this motion, but to suggest that the period the to the other, and tried to excuse ourselves; but, sir, war most inauspicious that could be devised for seriously en-is war; and where a commanding general goes in suctering upon this question, was the present session. He was persuaded that no beneficial effect could be answer

3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President, shall be eligible to that of Vice Pre

sident of the United States."

ed by taking it up. He believed, indeed, that nothing could be more detrimental to the harmony of the session, and to other interests, than now taking up this question. Under this impression, he rose to say that, for one, he should oppose the taking up this question on Monday next, and he hoped the House would be of the same opinion on that subject as himself.

The motion for printing was then agreed to.

NIAGARA SUFFERERS.

The House having resumed the consideration of the bill on this subject

Mr. VANCE, of Ohio, then rose and said, that it was with reluctance that he presented himself before the House on this subject-and his doing so might perhaps demand from him some apology to those gentlemen,

cessful pursuit of an enemy, he is very apt to trample on your fine theories of the law of nations, and inflict on done it, and to as great an extent as any nation in the the enemy what injury he can. We have ourselves world, in proportion to our power.

dertaken to illustrate his doctrine [Here Mr. V. quotThe gentleman, in another part of his speech, has uned that part of Mr. WILLIAMS' speech ] But, sir, has the gentleman forgotten our federal character? Is each part of this country, and is each man in it to protect himself? Is such a doctrine as this preached to us by the gentleman? Is the interior to be paid for marching to defend the frontier? Sir, if that gentleman should march from Norfolk to defend the most distant part of our frontier, he would only be marching, in effect, to defend himself. It is an acknowledged maxim, that it is better to fight an enemy in your neighbor's ground than on

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