impart to the election an air of mystery We shall give exercise to the imaginations of the multitude, in conjecturing what scenes are acting within this Hall. Busy Rumbur, with her hundred tongues, will circulate reports of wicked combinations, and of corruption, which have no existence. Let the people see what we are doing; let them know that it is neither more nor less than putting our ballots into the boxes, and they will soon become satisfied with the spectacie, and retire. [FEB. 2, 1825. tion of a single state? He saw no reason. Why, asked Mr. L. are gentlemen so much alarmed? He was persuaded that no more disorder was to be apprehended from the gallery, in conducting an election of President of the United States, than in choosing a Sergeant-atArms for this House. For himself, he hated all mystery. He considered it a characteristic attendant of tyrannical governments, and he thought that the proposal to conduct this election in secret, was a proof that we were not yet quite divested of certain old notions, which our ancestors brought with them from the other side of the Atlantic. He hoped that all that would be done, on this occasion, would be done in a pl: ́n, manly, simple, re The gentleman from Delaware, (Mr. M'LANE,) has urged upon us the precedent which now exists on this subject. Mr. B. said, he revered the men of former days, by whom this precedent was established. He had good reason, however, to believe, that the intense ex-publican manner. citement which existed at that time among the people, at the Seat of Government, was occasioned, in a considerable degree, by their exclusion from the gallery.They came in crowds into the House, but were prohibited from entering the Hall. Currents and counter-currents of feeling kept them continually agitated. New conjectures of what was doing within, were constantly spreading among them. Mystery always gives birth to suspicion. If those people had been permitted to enter, much of the excitement which then prevailed would never have existed. Mr. WEBSTER, of Massachusetts, would say a few words on the question, premising, that more importance seemed to be attached to it than he thought belonged to it. He presumed no practical inconvenience would arise, whether the motion prevailed or not; and yet, perhaps, it might be well to consider the subject duly, as, hereafter, possibly, the question might be of consequence. He did not see any particular benefit arising from providing that the galleries should, at all events, be open. There could be no debate when the House was proceeding in the election; and the voting must be by ballot. There was nothing to be done or said, but to It has been said, that there might, and probably would be disorder, if we admitted the people into the gallery.give the ballots and count them. Something had been Mr. B. could scarcely believe this possible. He had too said of the superintendence which the people might exhigh an opinion of the American people to suffer himself ercise on this occasion, if the galleries were open.to entertain such an apprehension. Should we, how. That was what he did not exactly understand. The ever, be mistaken, where is the power of the Speaker? people of the United States would hardly be in the galWhere that of the House? We can then turn them out,lery. Some hundred or two of the inhabitants of this and we shall then have a sufficient apology for doing so. city, those who should get up earliest, and get seats first, But, to declare, in the first instance, that they shall be would be accommodated in the gallery, and others could excluded, upon the request of any one out of twenty-not get in. He believed that he himself, finding some four states, would be a libel both upon the people of the United States and the members of this House. Mr. B. asked pardon for this expression, if it were considered too harsh. Mr B. said he knew well his friend from Delaware was willing that all his conduct, in regard to the Presidential question, should be exhibited before the public, and that it was principle, and principle alone, which had suggested his remarks. difference of opinion in the committee, upon the former rule, had suggested this modification. He was entirely willing the galleries should be open; and yet he was entirely willing to have them closed, if any state desired it. And, particularly, as it would be very inconvenient to discuss and settle these questions, after the House had begun to act as states, it seemed to him reasonable to make provision, before hand, for this, as for other cases. He regretted both that the gentleman from PennsylThat which gives this subject its chief importance, Mr.vania wished to_expunge the rule altogether, and that B. said, is the precedent. He was anxious that it the gentleman from Delaware wished to shut the galleshould be settled on sure foundations. If the rule, in its ries altogether. He thought the rule would do very well present form, should be adopted, it may, and probably as it stood. It should be considered, that in some cases, will, be dangerous in future times. At present, our Re- very many persons were to express the voice of a state; public is in its infancy. At this time, he entertained no in other cases, a single individual. Now, if either a nufear of corruption. In the approaching election, it can merous delegation, or a single individual representing a therefore make but little difference, whether the galle- state, expressed a wish that spectators should not be adry shall be opened or closed. But the days of darkness mitted to the gallery, he was willing to indulge that may, and, unless we shall ecsape the fate of all other request-so much the rule provided, and no more. Republics, will come upon us. Corruption may yet repeated, however, that he thought a very unsuitable stalk abroad over our happy land. When she aims a and disproportionate importance might be given to this blow against the liberties of the people, it will be done question, which he should much regret. in secret. Such deeds always shun the light of day.They can be perpetrated, with a much greater chance of success, in the secrecy of an electoral conclave, than when the proceedings of the House are fully exposed to the public view. Let us then establish a precedent, which will have a strong tendency to prevent corrupt practices hereafter. He Mr. WRIGHT, of Ohio, said, that, individually, he bad no objection to the amendment. If it were required to give publicity to the proceedings of the House, upon this subject, he should certainly favor it, because he was generally of opinion the affairs of the Government should be conducted openly in the face of the world, as he considered the Government as resting on the will and inMr. B. concluded by observing that, whether we re-formation of the people. But, Mr. W. said, in the disgard the precedent to be set, the nature of our government, our own character, or that of the people whom we represent, they all conspire to induce us to adopt the amendment. charge of the duties now to be undertaken, we ought to look to a future time, when the country shall be in a state of excitement, that shall reach and affect those in the galleries, and thence operate on the House. It will Mr. LIVERMORE, of N. H. thought there was no ne- be recollected that the only time at which this House cessity for any further rule in relation to the galleries, had heretofore exercised the power of electing a Presithan that which now existed. Provision was already dent, it had been solemnly decided the doors should be made to clear the gallerics whenever the House thought closed, except as to members of the Senate. That deterproper. This was sufficient. Why should a majority mination was not made without deliberation, but upon of all the members surrender this power to the délega. Į solemn debate, and by a vote by yeas and nays. Mr. W. FEB. 2, 1825.] Election of President. [H. of R. said he felt, in some measure, the influence of that pre-Constitution was formed, and that there was no more cedent, and had never heard any objection to the mode danger of disturbance now than then. of conducting the ballotings on that occasion. now. Whether gentlemen sat here as umpires and arbitrators, or as the representatives and organs of the people, was a question on which he certainly had an opinion, but which he did not consider it necessary at present to discuss. But, whether acting in one or the other capacity, he could not see why the gallery should be closed. The House had the power already to remove from it disturbers of the peace, and, if gentlemen meant so to conduct as to meet the approbation of their own consciences, they had no reason to fear those who would be in the gallery. And, if they were not afraid to have their conduct judged, why close the doors? All seemed to agree that no dangerous excitement existed at present. Was it, then, to be got up in two or three days, and to such a height as to threaten the safety or independence of the House? For himself, he could wish not only to have the people present, but that the votes of all the members were to be given viva voce. He regretted that there was any ballot at all on the question, and was utterly opposed to all closing of doors. In reply to those who seemed to suppose it impossible that any disturbance should take place in the galleries, Mr. W. said he had an exalted opinion of the virtue and intelligence of the people; but we need not shut our eyes upon the evidence before us, and we need not go further back than one year for a most glaring instance of excitement and disorder in the gallery of a Legislative Hall of one of the states of this Union, while the Legislature were transacting business relating to the very election, the determination of which is now devolved on us by the Constitution; and perhaps, he said, it would not be going too far to say that excitement might be feared Gentlemen seemed to suppose that, by closing the doors, an injunction of secrecy was imposed on the members and officers of the House, in regard to the proceedings, and that the whole were to remain secret. That, Mr. W. said, was not the case-the rule proposed no such thing: publicity could easily be given to every thing done. The journals were free for inspection, and it was surely safer to rely on them, than reports from the Mr. HAMILTON, of S. C. observed, that he felt degalleries. It had been well observed by the gentleman sirous of detaining the committee a few moments in offrom Massachusetts, (Mr. WEBSTER,) that all the pro-fering a remark or two on the subject before them. It ceedings relating to the election, were to be without de- seems to be a well settled conviction that it is a great bate; that, besides the ballotings, all were conducted by public misfortune that the election of a Chief Magistrate motion, second, and decision. This being the case, the should devolve on this House; and he would go further results were all that could be communicated to the peo- and say, that, in so devolving,it was perhaps a still greatple in the galleries, and they would be as well commu- er misfortune that the choice should be made by secret nicated at the doors of the House. All that those in balloting in the several and separate states, which, by the galleries could see or hear in addition to the results, its nature, precluded the public knowledge, which the would be the mechanical operation of dropping the bal- people ought to have, of the votes of their representa lots into the boxes and lifting them out again. I, said tives, on a question so vitally interesting to them, and Mr. W. would vote as readily against the imposition of under sanctions so solemn and imposing. For one, he an injunction of secrecy, on the proceedings relating to was free to confess, as the people were precluded by the election, as the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. the very form of election, from this species of knowledge, INGHAM,) or any other gentleman on this floor; but I can- he was disposed to let them in as spectators to whatever not admit that any such proposition is embraced in this might pass in relation to the exercise of this great trust; rule, as it stands. and in making this remark, he concurred cordially with the gentleman from Ohio, in wishing that, in spreading all our acts and doings before the public eye, during the approaching contest, we could likewise subject each delegate to the direct responsibility of a viva voce suffrage. This being impossible, he was disposed to consider the assembly of such citizens as thought proper to come into our galleries, as curing, in a slight degree, the defect of which he had spoken, in the mode of election. They would have a contemporary opportunity of witnessing the vote of each state, and, thus, information, which it was right and proper that the people should have, would be promptly disseminated, in a form, he thought, better to keep the public mind quiet, than those thousand rumors and suspicions which naturally belong to mystery and concealment. Sir, said Mr. W. it is not the people of the United States, the sober, thinking people, that will be found in your galleries on such occasions; no, they are at home, attending to their farms, their merchandise, their various other avocations; they will not assemble in the galleries, or be hereafter affected by the precedent you establish. It will be the artful, intriguing, designing politicians, from various parts of the country, to witness, and if it can be, to exert an improper influence, over your proceedings, and these I am not very solicitous to accommodate. I hope, sir, the amendment will not prevail, and that we shall not, against the wish of any one state, keep the galleries open for the exertion of undue influence, or to place members in a situation where any one can suppose they are unduly operated on. The gentleman from Delaware, however, meets this Mr. ROSS, of Ohio, observed, that, according to his subject at its threshold, by asking "what right any man understanding of the proposed rule, if it was adopted, has to go into the galleries to see what is doing in rethe proceedings of the House would remain, at least for gard to the election of a President?" I answer, because the time, completely in the dark. The demand of a that man happens to be one of the people, for whom we single state, not even seconded by another state, was are acting, and for whom we are choosing a Chief Magis. to be of itself enough to compel the House to clear the strate; and because he has precisely as much right to galleries. Why was this rule to be adopted? The only witness the election in question as any act of ordinary reasons he had beard advanced were, that the House legislation; and according to the theory of this demomust go into this conclave from a fear of interruption-cracy, it is infinitely more expedient that he should witinterruption, not from themselves, but from the people in the gallery; that the people of the United States were not to be expected to be present here, and that those who attended in the gallery would be such as were not entitled to any consideration. This, according to his understanding, was the sum and substance of the reasons adduced in favor of the rule. But, for himself, he believed that the people of this country understood the rules of decorum as well now as they did when the ness the one ceremony than the other. Mr. H. said, that he thought the popular eye would have a salutary influence in repressing any indecorum and violence, to which, in moments of peculiar agitation, the House, constituted as it was, was perhaps even more liable than the spectators in our galleries. They are fortunately exempt from many of those strong bias of favor and antipathy which may lamentably exert an influence within this bar. H. of R.] Election of President. [FEB. 2, 1825. The floor, and that he was in no greater degree responsible The gentleman from Delaware does not affirm that there is any danger at this time, in admitting our fellow citizens into the galleries; but he contends that, at a future period, this House might be subject to intimidation from the violence of a mob, who would assemble to witness the scene, to which we are shortly to be summoned. Sir, when that day of profligate violence arrives, the atrocity of which cannot be put down by the force of public opinion-when a corps of such desperadoes are permitted, for an instant, to exercise such an influence, all spirit will have departed from this House, and all purity and moral worth from the People; and the forms we may cherish here, will be but a solemn mockery. When a few hundred persons, scarcely equal to our own numbers, convened in those seats, can successfully excrcise acts of intimidation on the representatives of ten or twenty millions of people, to an absolute reversal of their sovereign will, it may be well imagined that the energy of the Government, and public virtue, are buried in a common grave. The argument, if it is worth any thing, could be urged, to show that it is expedient that we should even legislate in the conclave of a Turkish divan. The truth is, that many subjects of ordinary dis-ative democracy; and, to suppose that an agent of the cussion, and common legislation, are better calculated to produce popular excitement, than the election of a President by this House. During the former, popular prejudices, and, I may say, the feelings of public vengeance, may be addressed, by the arts and electricity of popular eloquence. In the latter, our business is confined to one act, that is, in placing for ourselves, or having it placed for us, a small strip of paper on which the name of an individual shall be written. The ceremony precludes the possibility of debate, and almost the only motion, which can be put, is, one that will have relation Mr. H said, that the gentleman from Delaware, in to the period when the act of balloting is to be renew-urging the House to adopt the rule for the exclusion of ed, on the contingency of continued failures to elect. spectators from the gallery, during the election, had reIt is impossible to conceive, in the forms of the transac- lied, with no ordinary emphasis, on the precedent which tion itself, fewer circumstances, calculated to provoke had been established by the Congress of 1801, in the popular violence and commotion. Besides, said Mr. celebrated, he could not say nefarious, contest between HAMILTON, I think the very habits of our people forbid Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr. As this part of the gen any apprehensions, either present or future; and, how-tleman's argument he puts on the ground of authority, ever little consoling it may be, to the pride of some, he and not reason, he would venture to hint that he, (Mr. thought there was as much honesty outside of the walls H.) had some serious misgivings that people would not of our House, as there was within them. He supposed look to those times as furnishing the instructive examthat the individuals who would at present, and in times plés of public freedom; for, he believed, it would be to come, occupy the seats in our gallery, would, a ma- susceptible of proof, by referring to the journals, that jority of them, be citizens of this District, whom he be- most of those who voted then for the proposed exclulieved were as exempt from the character of corrupt in-sion from the galleries, were those who had most strentriguers, and noisy brawlers, as the people of any section uously supported the Alien and Sedition Law. He did of our country, although the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. not make this allusion for the purpose of throwing a fire WRIGHT,) seemed to think that our spectators, when- brand into the House, but he appealed to it as an histoever we have a President to elect, must consist of the rical fact. very worst and most abandoned species of our population. For myself, said Mr. H. satisfied that no prece dent we shall now establish, will be binding, and that posterity will have the same right that we have, to take care of themselves, and being equally satisfied that the ordinary power possessed by the Speaker, to clear the galleries, in the event of occasional disorder, meets all Mr. M'LANE again rose, not for the purpose of enterthe exigencies of the present crisis, I hope that everying at large into the debate, but merely to correct some citizen of this land, let him come from where he will, misapprehensions which appeared to exist, in relation may be allowed to witness an event, in which he has to the remarks which he had first submitted. It was precisely as great an interest as we have ourselves: certainly far from his intention either to stir up old emmore particularly, when his presence can, in no degree, bers, or to brighten any existing flame. Far less was it impair a sound and efficient exercise of the agency we his intention to advocate any rule which had for its obhave to exert. ject the concealment of his own course of conduct, in regard to the election of President. He neither had nor could have any concealment on that point. His opinions at all times, and in all circumstances, had been openly known, and he meant that they always should be. If he even desired concealment, he could not effect it-be stood here with no colleagues. The vote he was about to give must be publicly known, and, whenever it was given, it should be given with a single eye to the inter ests of our common country. Could there, indeed, be Mr. H. said he would, before he took his seat, notice one or two remarks which fell from the gentleman from Delaware, (Mr. M'LANE.) This gentleman, in a very manly declaration of the course which he intended to pursue in the approaching election, has thought proper, as furnishing the best illustration of the principles which should govern him in that course, to affirm that he does not feel himself bound, by the wishes, either expressed or implied, of the people whom he represents on this In conclusion, Mr. H. said, that he really hoped that no groundless apprehensions would induce the House to retain a rule, which, by the mystery which would be incident to its enforcement, would beget a thousand times more excitement than if our galleries were thrown open to the whole world. any concealment in the matter? Did not every member of this House know how his own colleagues intended to vote? And would he not disclose that knowledge? But to whom? To the persons in the gallery? Could they discover, while the act of balloting was going forward, for whom those ballots were given? Certainly not. He should not, for his part, denounce the arrangement made by the constitution on this subject. Viva Voce might be a very good mode of voting for President, but, whether good or bad, was not now the question. It was not the mode which the constitution had prescribed. He again repeated, that his object was not to effect any concealment, for himself or for others. The course which each member would pursue, would be well known to this House, and it would be known to the country in time to correct it, if erroneous. [H. of R. try, ought never to be disturbed. But, he said, if this subject was to be introduced, he was willing to meet the gentleman from South Carolina. The precedent he had referred to, was a precedent set in party times, and of the federal party. But, said Mr. MI.. it does not, because it is a precedent of the federal party, come to me with less title to respect. Is this the only precedent of that party? It is the precedent of a party, says the gentleman, capable of enacting the alien and sedition laws. True, it is: and it is the precedent of a party which or ganized this Government-which put it in motion, after building it up, and established the policy which, wisely cherished, had made this nation, at this day, prosperous at home, and respected abroad. It is the precedent of that administration, to the wisdom of which, time, which tries all things, was fixing its seal. It is a precedent of the same party that established the judiciary, built up the navy, created an army, and laid the foundations of the system of national defence, which has afforded to us security at home and protection abroad. After copying from that party all these measures of national glory and prosperity, why will not the honorable gentleman receive from it also this precedent, which has the same motives, and the same great objects in view? In all other cases, the federal party consulted the true interests of the country; and their measures were calculated to subserve them, or it has been folly to adopt them. In the case now brought into precedent, they had the same objects in view; and the gentleman will find, if he adopt their policy in this respect also, he will reap the fruits of this, as he has done of other precedents set by them. But his object, Mr. M'L. said, was to prevent the exertion of an influence which, at some period hereafter, might operate to warp and swerve members from the conscientious discharge of their duty. It was wholly on the ground of precedent that Mr. M'L. was desirous to record his vote in favor of this rule. Surely, no gentleman who knew any thing of history, could need any arguments to convince him how tremendous such influence as that which he deprecated, might easily become. Nor was it hard to say how it might be got up. A county meeting is held; votes are passed, approving or disapproving the anticipated conduct of a representative in this House, and directing him what course to pursue. And if the affair stopped here, there would be no danger. But it might go further; constituents may be Brought to the scene of action, with the intent of intimidating and overawing the members of this House. The Mr. FLOYD, of Virginia, said he had no disposition to time might come when this would happen, though it say much on this subject; but, holding the opinion, may not now; and, if the gentleman from South Carolina which he did, of the most deliberate character, that, not shall then live, and cast his eyes on such a scene, Mr. only on this subject, but on all others, there should be M'L. was persuaded that he would do justice to himself no secrecy whatever in the proceedings of the Governand to his motives on this occasion. That gentleman ment, he was not disposed to vote on this question now, says that the people have a right to know what is done without saying a few words. He was not disposed to set in this House. Sir, said Mr. M'L. I agree with him that a precedent now, to be governed by hereafter in a state they have. He says further, that he cannot go with me of excitement. Is there any excitement now? The in the doctrine that our constituents have no right to opinion of every member of the House, in regard to the control us in the vote we are about to give for President. Presidential Election, is made up decidedly and distinctBut, for myself, I am free to say, that, however I respectly, and can be expressed in open sitting, as well, and no the opinions of my constituents in all cases of ordinary | doubt as honestly, as if our doors were closed; and I legislation, in this case I do not know them; I act as a was sorry to hear the gentleman from Delaware say, that judge and an umpire. I know perfectly that great res- the presence of persons in the galleries could have no pect is due to public opinion, when fairly expressed. effect on his vote: for I am sure there is not a man in the But even public opinion, if, in my conscientious belief, United States who would suppose such a declaration it has run wild or gone astray, shall not govern me. from him necessary. The Constitution has imposed it on us as a duty, to choose a President, when the election by the people fails. Now, if my constituents have a right to instruct me, in this respect, the constituents of the gentleman from South Carolina have an equal right to instruct him, and so have the constituents of each member of this House. And, if gentlemen are bound to obey, and the country remains divided, the result will be, that this House cannot choose a President, any more than the people can. The last remedy provided by the Constitution fails, and all those evils rush upon the country at once, which are the obvious result of such failure. It is expressly to guard against this, that the Constitution provides, in the resort to this House, a tribunal which shall be perfectly independent, and above popular control. When up before, Mr. M'L. said, he had referred to the precedent of 1801, as bearing upon the present case. In answer to the argument drawn from it, the gentleman from South Carolina had denied any weight to the precedent, because it was derived from the administra. tion of the Government by the federal party. Mr M'L. expressed his regret that any thing should have fallen from that gentleman, which might have a tendency to revive animosities which, for the happiness of the coun In reply to the argument that but a few persons, who were industrious enough to get up soon, would be able to obtain admission into the gallery-Mr. F. asked, if so, why should any gentleman wish to close the gallery? Let them indulge their curiosity in this particular-he saw no objection to it. Nor could he agree with the gentleman from Ohio, that intriguers would be always up in the galleries-for that was not the place for them. The gentleman had also reference to a late occasion, not more than a year ago, growing out of this very election, in which there were some symptoms of dissatisfaction in the galleries. [Mr. F. here was going to remark on this illustration, supposing it had reference to the meeting at the Capitol on the night of the 14th February last, but Mr. WRIGHT intimated that that was not the incident to which he referred.] Mr. F. continued. Poor King Caucus having been so much abused and spoken of, sir, I thought the gentleman might have referred to that occasion, where I was myself present-for, sir, I was one of that respectable body, and I am yet proud of it. If, how ever, he meant not to refer to that case, I will refer to a case, the excitement of which, probably in this House, and in the galleries, and out of the House, never was, and never can be, exceeded. I allude to the Missouri question during the arduous and protracted discusions H. of R.] Election of President. [FEB. 2, 1825. of which, no disturbance proceeded from the galleries. they were a law-abiding people. I cannot say as much I am not, therefore, for setting a precedent now, in an- for the present; for I read in the paper of to-day, that ticipation of what has never yet happened. If, sir the there is a seventy-four gun ship, built under an act exRepresentatives of the People, in their capacity of indi-pressly providing for such vessels, which is pierced to viduals, or acting by states, are capable of being operat- carry a hundred and two guns-the same which the Preed upon by disorders in the galleries, it is high time for sident and a number of other persons have been lately us to go home. But I apprehend no disturbance. In on a trip of some seventy miles, to look at and admire. all the trying circumstances of the Missouri question, as On another point, also, the gentleman from Delaware respectful conduct, at least, was exhibited by the galle. was somewhat defective in his statement: the federal ries, as by the the House itself. A year or two ago, we administration did raise an army-but they also disbandwere three or four days ballotting for a Speaker of this ed it. If that administration was to be reproached for any House. Was the election of President more important thing beyond an erroneous construction of the Constituthan the election of a Speaker of this House? For himself, tion, it was merely for the extent of their expenditure, since the amendment of the Constitution, he thought the &c. and in that extent, the latter days of this halcyon office of Speaker second in the Government. If we can administration were as far in advance of the federal adelect a Speaker without any trouble from the galleries, ministration, as that administration was in advance of can we not also elect a President? I would not suffer public opinion. Mr. F. concluded by saying, that, as he the belief to go abroad among the People, from our was against secrecy of every description in the affairs of over-precautions, that we cannot. It had been sometimes Government, he should vote in favor of this amendment. said, in reference to the movements of this Government, Mr. HAMILTON again rose, and said, that he felt it that the eye of Europe is upon us. Now, Mr. F. said, he due to himself to make a very brief reply to the gentlewould not, in the eye of this People, or of Europe, have man from Delaware, if it was merely for the purpose of this House look like the Conclave of Cardinals, the assuring him that, in the allusion which he had made to Council of Ten at Venice, or even the Star Chamber of the Alien and Sedition Law, that it was neither his inEngland. He would have the election of a President as tention or desire to arouse from their mouldering ashes public as possible, and let all the People, and all the those embers of party distractions which, he thanked world, see all that is done. There would not, perhaps, God, had long since passed by. Much less was it his be much to see; the ballot-box would be placed on the object to fling imputations on a party, (among whom Clerk's table, he presumed, and the States would depo- had been embraced some of the most valued and chersite their votes in it as called over-that was the mode of ished friends he had on earth,) which, on a variety of proceeding in the Caucus last winter, and a more respec- occasions, had rendered services of signal and inestimatable and honorable body of men, he must say, he had ble value to the country. But he would put it to the never known, and he had no objection to the whole world candor of the gentleman himself, to say, when he urged being spectators of the ceremony. It seemed that it was a measure for our adoption, on the mere ground of au what happened on a late occasion at New York, that the thority, whether it was not admissible for him to show, gentleman from Ohio had referred to. Of that State, that the authority, according to the popular understandMr. F. said-for she was a great State-he would avoid ing of the country, came rather in a questionable shape. saying any thing; but, if what happened there had hap- Mr. H. said, that he should not deny, (for it would be pened in Virginia, he should have said as little as possi- unjust for him to do so,) that the Federal party, (the ble of it for the occurrence of the disturbance in the very party which passed the Alien and Sedition Law,) galleries of the Legislative body, argued as little in fa had contributed to the formation of those great and valuvor of the body which did not suppress and punish the able institutions to which the gentleman had referred. authors of it, as of those who disgraced themselves by But he believed that they were, most of them, the work making it. As he could not see any reason for secrecy, of joint counsels, and a confederate patriotism, when in conducting the affairs of Government generally, he parties scarcely had a controlling influence on public was not willing to sanction it in this instance. If the Go- measures; and whilst he admitted that several distinvernment was, as the gentleman from Delaware had sug-guished members of the Federal party had left a large gested, strong enough for the purpose of security at debt on our gratitude, he could not be unmindful of home, and protection abroad, it had nothing to appre- what such men as Jefferson, Madison, and Gallatin, had hend from disorder in the galleries of this House, its done, in giving efficiency and popularity to the form of power being sufficient to enforce due respect to it. our Government, by fixing the principles of a wise, economical, and prudent administration. He thought it, however, not a little caustic and unkind in the gentleman from Delaware, to appropriate all that had been done for the country, as the trophies of his party; if, however, these were consolations furnished after the loss of power, he surely would not deprive his friend of their enjoyment. But, after all, he had risen merely and distinctly to disclaim any intention to wound the feelings of a single gentleman on that floor, by an allusion which he thought had laid fairly in his view. Mr. F. said he was rather sorry, for several reasons, that the gentleman from S. Carolina should have alluded to the old federal party. He had no doubt that,in every thing the federal party had done, not involving its construction of the Constitution, things were as well done as they are now. The error of that party was in not apportioning its legislation and expenditure to the true condition of the country. As to the elder John Adams and Timothy Pickering, he did not at all approve their constitutional opinions, and no one had been more decidedly opposed to them: but a state of things might oc- Mr. MERCER, of Virginia, then observed, that he was cur, and he did not know but it had occurred, in which very happy that the gentleman from South Carolina had he believed he would take the old ones in preference to made the explanation he had just given; and he exit. If the doctrines of the old federal party were ob- pressed a hope that all party divisions and party feeling noxious, he did not see that those of the present day would be banished on the present occasion. He thought were any better. They undertook to do every thing that the observations of the gentleman from Delaware, under the clause of the Constitution to provide for the himself, had shown that no great injury was likely to regeneral welfare; and so, said Mr. F. do we, at the pre-sult from the admission of spectators. If it was really sent day. One thing, Mr. F. thought his friend from Delaware had overlooked. He had said that the federal party built a Navy. So they did, said Mr. F.-and they sold it, too-at least, they provided for the sale of it. The next administration carried the provision into effect, for true, that the sentiments of members were not concealed from each other, the mere closing of the gallery would not operate to conceal them from the public, or materially prevent any influence from out of doors. Members were not under any injunction of secrecy, and whatever was done within, would almost immediately be |