the world. An ordinary whaling voyage is from two to three years. I have it from authority that cannot be doubted, that ships have been absent for four or five years, and, in one instance, even seven years; it is this which makes the real seaman. But, sir, why should we not have our own ships built on that sea, and fitted out from our own port on the Oregon? Why send ships of war from this coast, from Washington City, to cruise in the Pacific Ocean, when we can there build them, and keep on that coast a fleet, for that ocean? Much has been said concerning the difficulty of establishing the post, and subsisting those who might embark in the enterprize. It is true, we will not, for a few years, find as much wealth and splendor as is found in the saloons and drawing rooms of this magnificent counterfeit of European royalty; neither would we find what is very common here, a heartless intercourse, and aping etiquette of miserable pretenders to the "monthly fashions, just from Europe." [DEC. 20, 1824. willing to embark in the same pursuit; among these maybe named, Louis A. Tarascon, of Shippingport, Ken. known in Bordeaux and Philadelphia, as one of the most accomplished merchants; who has been among the first to open the trade from the Ohio to the West Indies, and built the first ship which descended that river, for that purpose, and whose commercial views have been useful, and deserve the most respectful attention of the govern ment. The great difficulties which Lewis and Clark met with, induced adventurers to search for a more practicable route, which was soon discovered, to the south of that pursued by these early travellers. Others went still further southwardly, and continued up the Yellowstone river, taking the fork of that river, called the Big Horn, pursuing it to its source, thence through the mountain, falling upon the waters of Lewis river, one of the principal branches of the Oregon. At this point the waters interlock; and present very few difficulties, as the whole chain of mountains differs from those known First, As to subsistence. I think myself well justi- on the Atlantic shores, inasmuch as the mountains here fied, from the concurrent testimony of all travellers and are composed of one unbroken chain: there are composvoyagers, in stating, that the salmon of the Oregon river ed of a number of detached hills, though large, and of alone, would subsist fifty thousand men a year. The great height from the base to the summit, resembling a potato grows wild there, on which the natives feed, not chain of tumuli; through these you pass with ease and only those who live on the river, but those of the neigh-safety, so much so, that I have the most perfect confi. boring nations. Portlock and Dixon say, and their tes- dence, that even now, a wagon, with its usual freight, timony is strengthened by Messrs. Lewis and Clark, could be taken from this capital to the mouth of Oregon. that the gooseberry is to be found there in abundance; so is the red and black currant, strawberries, mulberries, raspberries, onions, and peas. Portlock also states, that, bigh up that coast, a shrub is found, the leaves of which is so good a substitute for the tea of China, that he could hardly tell the difference. Moreover, wheat, and all kinds of grain, can be had in a few days from Mexico, at very reduced prices. Hogs, sheep, goats, black cattle of every description, can be had, with ease, and in abundance, in a short time, from California, or the Sandwich Islands. The difficulties to be overcome in a voyage or Journey to that country, are ideal, and for some years unknown to the enterprizing citizens of Missouri, who, I had almo t said, were daily in the habit of planning and executing trips to Oregon and to Mexico, yielding a profit in furs, peltries, money, and mules, beyond any thing known to us. The journey is safe and easy, and requires, from Franklin, in Missouri, the space of fifty days, by their present slow mode of travelling, to perform the trip. So frequent are their journeys, that I should almost feel myself justified in saying, that there is a constant intercourse between Missouri, Mexico, and Oregon. Much of the reluctance which is felt by gentlemen, arises from a recurrence to the difficulties experienced by Messrs. Lewis and Clark, when visiting that coast; their difficulties proceeded, not from the country, but from their entire want of knowledge-which is now possessed, gained by a residence among the Indian nations who inhabit the country near the Oregon mountains. The course now travelled to pass those mountains, lies far to the south of that formerly travelled, and a journey can now be made without meeting any obstructions of a serious character. Much of this information has been imparted by Mr. Farnham and Mr. Crooks, gentlemen to whom I am much indebted for many interesting facts relative to this country, who have had an intimate knowledge, from having been there, engaged in the trade of that country with John Jacob Astor, who is well known for his skill, experience, and extensive knowledge in the fur trade, and is ready to vest in that pursuit, several hundred thousand dollars, fixing his establishment at the mouth of Oregon, so soon as this republic will extend to her citizens the same protection which even the Kings of Europe, particularly England, grant to their subjects. I am also informed, that other large capitalists in the Western country, and in Virginia, are Besides these passes, there is still another, which, though longer to the upper part of that river, is yet better, where even the feeble difficulties there encountered, are here almost annihilated. This route, pursued by many now engaged in that trade, holds its course from Missouri, up the Kanzas river, continuing some distance up the Republican fork of that river; then falling on to the river Platte, thence, entirely up that river to its source, where the Oregon, or Rocky Mountain, sinks into a bed of sand, without water or timber for the space of sixty miles smooth and level. On crossing the sandy plain, the traveller finds himself in a rich extensive country, in which heads the Rio del Norte, the Rio Colorado, of California, Rio Buenaventu ra, Timpanogos, Multnoma, on the head of Lewis' river. It is worthy to remark, that at this point is to be found that portion of the civilized Indians who escaped the slaughter of the Spaniards when Montezuma was destroyed. This excellent people live there in all the peaceful abundance of a rich soil and good government. They have herds, flocks, till the soil, and manufacture various articles of cotton wool, and wood, and live in fine houses, some of stone, of the best workmanship; of this there is no doubt-some of their fabrics, such as counterpanes, have been sold in the markets of Missouri. The course, taken from the neighborhood of these people, is near the Lake of Timpanogos, thence to the Multnoma, and with it to the Oregon, near its mouth; the other, to fall on the waters of Lewis' river, and with it, to its mouth, which is in truth the main branch of the Oregon. Should capital be soon employed at the mouth of that river, there can be little doubt that all the beneficial results here anticipated, would soon ensue; the valley of the Mississippi would soon be supplied by this route, with all the luxuries, and all the rich productions of the Western ocean. One of the strongest of these supposed difficulties, is the want of navigation on the Missouri river, and a want of safety at all times in ascending and descending that river. This ceases to be an objection altogether as I have been informed by General Jesup, that a boat invented on the Missouri river, (by General Atkinson,) and constructed and put into operation, by an order from his Department, can ascend and descend, or cross that river in any direction, with ease and with safety, the persons on board being free from danger of every kind. His representation, all know, is to be reli DEC. 20, 1824.] Occupation of the Mouth of the Oregon. ed upon, as it is plain and never exaggerated. From all the information to be had on this subject, the time taken from Franklin, in Missouri, to the mouth of the Oregon, by the head of the river Platte, is fifty days. [H. of R. rope, she has Gibraltar and Malta, and other islands in the Mediterranean, which hold all Europe in check. On another side, she has a position in the West Indies, in Africa, in India, and the South Seas; all chosen with the same intent, and all in completion of her schemes; she wants nothing now to give her the entire control of all the commerce of the world, for ages to come, but a position on our Western Coast, which she will soon have, unless you pass this bill. Again, should capital be fixed at that point, as it soon will be, Why not have a dock yard and a naval establishment, to construct and repair our fleet on that sea? Would it not also be proper for this government to negotiate with the republic of Mexico, or Guatimala, for the privilege of passing the isthmus? In this point Mr. POINSETT, of South Carolina, offered an amendof view, Pensacola is likely to become the greatest city ment to the bill, the effect of which would be to leave in the south, and, perhaps, one of the greatest in this re-it discretionary with the President at what point on the public. The voyage is easy, and much shorter than any Pacific the military post should be established, and supwould suppose who had never considered it. From Ore-ported his amendment by some remarks, the substance gon to the Gulf of Panama, is a voyage of 22 days; of which was understood to be, that the information in from thence, across the land, to the Bay of Mandinga, is possession of the mover, as to the geographical and tothree days; then to Pensacola, is a voyage of eight days; pographical advantages of the position at the mouth of making a voyage from the mouth of Oregon to Pensa- the Oregon, was adverse to that just laid before the cola, in thirty-three days. There is another course House by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Floyd.) He which may be pursued, making the trip shorter-it is, was not very confident of the accuracy of either, and to leave Oregon for the Bay of Tehuantepec, a voyage thought it best to leave the matter to the President, who of twenty days; thence, across, to the Rio Huasecualco was, or doubtless would be, in possession of the best inin three days; and in four more to Pensacola; in all telligence which was to be had in the case. twenty-seven days. On motion of Mr. TRACY, of N. Y. the day being somewhat advanced, the committee then rose. Is this not an object worthy to be secured? In the many treaties which we have of late been negotiating, in all of which, in my opinion, we have been much injured, would it not be right to secure this object to the South, that we may have some little benefit for immense injuries? Or, are our claims to Oregon, and our interests in the Western ocean, really so "minute," that they cannot be perceived? I throw out these hints, as forming principles for our commerce and our country at large, to guide us in the better way; just principles may be looked to as guides, even when we cannot adhere to them as rules. I shall, Mr. Chairman, close the few remarks I have to make, by an appeal to the House, to consider well our interests in the Western Ocean, on our Western Coast, and the trade to China and to India; and the ease with which it can be brought to Pensacola or down the Missouri. What is this commerce? Has it not enriched the world? Thousands of years have passed by, and, year after year, all the nations of the earth have, each year, sought the rich commerce of that country; all have enjoyed the riches of the East. This trade was sought by King Solomon, by Tyre, Sidon; this wealth found its way to Egypt, and, at last, to Rome, to France, Portugal, Spain, Holland, England, and, finally, to this Republic. How vast and incomprehensibly rich must be that country and commerce, which has never ceased, one day, from the highest point of Jewish splendor, to the instant I am speaking, to supply the whole globe with all the busy imagination of man can desire, for his ease, comfort, or enjoyment! Whilst we have so fair an opportunity offered, to participate so largely in all this wealth and enjoyment, if not to govern and direct the whole, can it be possible that doubts, on mere points of speculation, will weigh with the House, and cause us to lose forever, the brightest prospect ever presented to the eyes of a nation? I will conclude my observations on this important subject, with one other remark, which I beg the House to bear in mind, and give it such weight as it deserves. The idea of extending our military frontier, or posts, to the mouth of that river, seems to have created alarm in the minds of some gentlemen; but, when it is well considered, all cause of fear will vanish. It is not so important as to the number of military posts, as it is, that they should be properly placed. I am thoroughly persuaded, that England governs the commercial world more by the advantageous positions she occupies in it, than by her physical strength or powerful marine. In addition to the strength which she derives from her insular position, which is as a bastion to the coast of Eu Mr. COOK moved to discharge the committee of the whole on the state of the Union from the farther consideration of this bill, with a view to its reference to the committee to whom so much of the President's message as refers to this subject had already been committed.This course appeared to him to be proper in itself, and, particularly so, as there were manifest defects in the bill, which made it advisable that it should undergo revision by a committee. Mr. FLOYD said, he was not at all anxious about the course this bill might take; but he could not see any necessity for the reference of it which was now proposed, especially as the present committee was composed of a majority of the persons who were upon the committee by which, at the last session, this bill had been matured. The President, it was true, had recommended the occupation of that territory in a military point of view. This bill contemplated that object, indeed; but, in addition, it proposed to give power to the President to erect the settlement into a territorial government whenever he may think proper. There must be at this set. tlement, besides traders, many shipwrights, blacksmiths, and other artisans, &c.; and he stated, on the authority of General Rector, that, in the last season, there were on the waters of the Missouri sixteen hundred persons engaged in the fur trade, who could not go over to the Columbia, because they would have been unprotected, besides having high duties to pay, &c. The bill contained but two features-the one was the establishment of a military post, and the other was an authority to the President to establish a territorial government whenever he might judge it expedient. He appealed to the American feeling of every gentleman whether it was proper to place under military law or the caprice of the commander of a post of two hundred troops, the number of persons who would belong to such a civil settlement. He could not, for his own part, think of such a thing for a moment. The persons there would be chiefly engaged in hunting and fishing, and he thought it was just that they should have the blessings of civil government as soon as their circumstances would admit of it. was, therefore, opposed to the reference of the bill to a committee, as proposed. He Mr. COOK said, that this bill proposed certainly a very important measure. Besides the establishment of a civil colonial government on the coast of the Pacific Ocean, it proposed the giving grants of land to settlers, which were calculated to delude the people of this country, enterprizing as they are-to produce upon them an impression that the country in question is adapt Sen. & H. of R.] Gratitude to Lafayette. [DEC. 21, 1824. The question was then put on Mr. COOK'S motion to recommit the bill, and lost by a large majority. And then the House adjourned. IN SENATE. TUESDAY, DEC. 21, 1824. GRATITUDE TO LAFAYETTE. The Senate then, according to the order of the day, took up the bill making provision for General LAVAT ETTE; and, no amendment being proposed thereto, the question was about to be put on ordering the bill to be ed to the habits and constitutions of our citizens-to de- Mr. MACON rose. It was with painful reluctance, he said, that he felt himself obliged to oppose his voice to the passage of this bill. He admitted, to the full extent claimed for them, the great and meritorious services of General Lafayette, and he did not object to the precise sum which this bill proposed to award him; but he objected to the bill on this ground: he considered General Lafayette, to all intents and purposes, as having been, during our Revolution, a son, adopted into the family, taken into the household, and placed, in every respect, on the same footing with the other sons of the same Mr. TRIMBLE, of Kentucky, felt some regret that the family. To treat him as others were treated, was all, in motion of the gentleman from Illinois had been made. this view of his relation to us, that could be required, He did not see the necessity for it even to the attain- and this had been done. That General Lafayette made ment of the mover's own object, and there was, in the great sacrifices, and spent much of his money in the sermean while, a weighty reason why the House should act vice of this country, (said Mr. M.) I as firmly believe as I upon the bill at the present session. The bill had, as do any other thing under the sun: I have no doubt that had been observed, two leading features-first, the es-every faculty of his mind and body were exerted in the tablishment of a military post, and, secondly, the esta- Revolutionary war, in defence of this country; but this blishment of a territorial government at such time as the was equally the case with all the sons of the family. President shall judge it to be proper. The object of Many native Americans spent their all, made great sacrithe gentleman from Illinois would be fully answered by fices, and devoted their lives in the same cause. This striking out the latter feature, to which alone his objec- was the ground of his objection to this bill, which, he tions seemed to apply; for, certainly, when he talked of repeated, it was as disagreeable to him to state as it sending topographical engineers to survey the country, could be to the Senate to hear. He did not mean to take he did not mean to turn those gentlemen out defenceless up the time of the Senate in debate upon the principle among savages: he would surely send a military force of of the bill, or to move any amendment to it. He admitsome description to accompany and protect them. But ted that, when such things were done, they should be it was needful that the House should act upon the sub-done with a free hand. It was to the principle of the ject, and for this reason: By the terms of the British bill, therefore, and not to the sum proposed to be given treaty, England and the United States are to trade in by it, that he objected. With regard to the details of common throughout that country; and the treaty stipu- the bill, however, he was rather of the opinion that it lates that the rights possessed by each at the time of the would have been better to have given so much money, treaty, are to remain as they then were for fourteen which we have in the Treasury, than to have given stock years. Now, it was well known that an agent of the Ame- to the amount. rican Government had gone round to Astoria, the set- Mr. BROWN, of Ohio, said that this bill purported to tlement at the mouth of the river Oregon, immediate-give a compensation to General Lafayette for services ly after the conclusion of peace, and demanded that the rendered. He should like to know what evidence had British flag should be lowered and the American flag induced the committee to suppose that the amount prohoisted, as a signal of the possession of that part of the posed was the proper amount of compensation. He coast. Well, said Mr. T., the lion accordingly came should like to know how far the proposed appropriation down and the eagle went up; but, no sooner did the was grounded on claims for services or for expenditure. American agent turn his back, than down went the ea- He should, indeed, like to see the phraseology of the gle, and up went the lion again. Under such circum- bill changed. He should like to have the bill recomstances, we made the agreement contained in the committed, also, for another and a peculiar reason. As it mercial treaty; and, if we shall leave the territory in possession of Great Britain until the fourteen years shall run out, at the end of that time it will be hers by right of possession, and she may expel our traders, &c. The possession which may now be obtained and secured by a small military force, say of two hundred men, may not, Mr. HAYNE, of South Carolina, said he had entertainafter that time, be obtained by a much larger force, and ed the hope that this bill would have given rise to no at a much greater expense. He was, therefore, opposed discussion; and if no other objection had been made to to the recommitment of the bill. Whilst up, he begged it than that of his friend (Mr. MacON) who was opposed leave to return his thanks, those of the people whom be upon principle, to making an appropriation, in any case, represented, and, he believed, of a great portion of the or under any circumstances, by way of compensation American people, to the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. for losses and services in the public cause, he did not Floyd,) who had so long, and with so much assiduity, la- know that he should now have risen. But the objection bored to collect and present facts for the information of the gentleman from Ohio made it his duty to submit, and guidance of the House in a matter of so great na-as briefly as possible, his views of this question. He tional importance as that which was now before it, and which he had at successive sessions brought forward. proposed to raise money by a loan, he doubted whether that provision of the bill was not invading the peculiar privilege of the House of Representatives. Under the influence of these considerations, he moved to recommit the bill. trusted, he said, that he should be able to satisfy the Senate, and to satisfy even the scruples of the gentle man himself, that there was no occasion at this time to re-commit the bill. The objection of his friend on his right (Mr. Macon) went to the root of the bill; for, Mr. H. said,he understood that gentleman to say that, though an individual might have spent his substance in the service of his country, and put his hand into his pocket and paid out money for its use, that money should not be refunded to him by the government. All this, said Mr. H. I shall be able to shew that General Lafayette has done, and that the adoption of the measure now proposed will be not only an act of justice to him, but a duty which we owe to ourselves. Mr. H. said he held in his hands documents which he had not intended to submit to the Senate, because he had already submitted them very generally to the private inspection of the members; but, called upon, as he now was, he felt it to be his duty to present them publicly to the Senate. Mr. H. then submitted a statement, founded on a document which hal been received from France by a member of the Senate, from which it appeared that, when General Lafayette embarked for America, in 1777, he possessed an income of 146,000 francs, about $28,700-an income, which, it is well known, had been reduced by his losses and sacrifices in the cause of liberty throughout the world, to a very small sum. [Senate. his favor would far exceed the amount which by this bill it is proposed to appropriate. But this, Mr. H. said, was not the ground on which he was disposed to rest the measure. He would appeal to higher and more generous considerations. It is not that an account is to be settled, but a debt of gratitude is to be acknowledged a debt which can never be discharged. Mr. H. stated that there was an incident in the life of Gen. Lafayette, which was explained by the documents which he held in his hand, and which presented his conduct in such a delightful point of view, that he could not refrain from bringing it to the view of the Senate, though he should not found upon it any claim for remuneration for the sacrifices which the General had incurred on the occasion alluded to. It would be recollected that, in March, 1803, Congress made a grant of 11,520 acres of land to Gen. Lafayette. In the year following, he was authorized to locate his warrant on any vacant land in the territory of Orleans; and, on the 7th April, 1806, his agent in this country did locate a tract of 1000 acres vacant land adjoining the city of New Orleans. On the 3d March, 1807, Congress, without adverting to this location in behalf of the General, and indeed, wholly unconscious of the fact that it had been made, granted to the Corporation of the city of New Orleans a space of It also appeared, from the same document, that, dur- six hundred yards around the fortifications of the city, ing six years, from 1777 to 1783, the General bad ex- including a valuable portion of the very land which had pended in the American service, 700,000 francs, equal been previously entered by the General. He was immeto 140,000 dollars. Mr. H. adverted to further sacrifices diately informed of the fact; it was stated to him that which the General had made in the cause of Liberty, as his right to this land was unquestionable, and Mr. H. established by this document; but the only fact in it to held in his hand a statement made by an eminent lawwhich he wished particularly to draw the attention of yer and jurist, now a member of the other House, showthe Senate, was, that he sacrificed, more than forty years ing that a legal opinion was forwarded, assuring the Genago, one hundred and forty thousand dollars of his pri- eral that, in a contest with the city of New Orleans, he vate fortune in the service of this country. And how must succeed. Another document, which Mr. HAYNE was this sacrifice made? Under what circumstances? had obtained from a different source, stated that the valWas he one of our own citizens-one of those whose ue of the land had even then been discovered, and that lives and fortunes were necessarily exposed during the $50,000 could have been obtained for the General's title vicissitudes of a contest for the right of self-government? to it. And what was the conduct of Lafayette, on beNo, sir, said Mr. H. no such thing. If he had been a na-ing informed of these facts? He promptly, and without tive American, and had lost his whole estate by the war, he would have incurred a misfortune to which all his fellow citizens were liable in common with himself. But he was in the enjoyment of rank and fortune in his own country, cheered by the smiles of his Sovereign, and rich in the treasures of domestic joy. And yet he tore himself away from his country and his home, to fight the battles of freedom in a foreign land, and to make common cause with a people to whom he owed no dutypeople then engaged in a contest considered almost hopeless. Nor was he satisfied with the devotion of his personal services. He equipped and armed a regiment at his own proper charge, and came here with a vessel freighted with arms and munitions of war, which he distributed gratuitously among your people. And it is a matter of record on the pages of your history, that he put shoes on the feet of your bare-foot and suffering soldiery. For these services he asked no recompensehe received none. He spent his fortune for you; he shed his blood for you; and without acqu ring any thing but a claim upon your gratitude, he impoverished himself. And what, in recompense, has this government done for him? It was not until the year 1794, that they gave to him the full pay, without interest, which he was entitled to have received twelve or fourteen years before. Did they then attempt to remunerate him for the service, other than military, which the gallant General had rendered to the country? No, sir. But, if an Amercan citizen had put his hand into his pocket, equipped a regiment for the service of his country, clothed its nakedness, and put shoes upon their bleeding feet, would he not have been entitled to compensation for such expenditure? Sir, if we were to resort to a calculation of pounds, shillings, and pence; if we were to draw up an account current with Gen. Lafayette the balance in hesitation, communicated to his agent "that he would "not consent ever, to inquire into the validity of his ti "tle; that he could not think of entering into litigation "with any public body in the United States; that the "property had been gratuitously bestowed upon him by "the United States, and it was with them to say what "had been given" and he accompanied these declarations by a positive direction to his agent to relinquish his entry and to make a location elsewhere. This has been done, and the certificate from the Land Office proves, that the land substituted for that which has been lost, is of very inconsiderable value. General Lafay ette, however, did not stop here. He had been induced to dispose of a part of his interest in this land, to an Irish baronet, Sir Josiah Coghill. His contract with this gentleman created, of course, much embarrassment to him; but the General only considered that it might also embarrass the Government of the United States. He made an appeal to that gentleman, who, with a liberality worthy of all praise, agreed to relinquish his claims to the land in question, and accepted a claim on other lands in satisfaction for them. Lafayette stopped not even here: he was not satisfied while any thing remained to be done. I have myself, said Mr. H. seen and examined on file, in the Land Office, this deed of relinquishment, deposited there by General, Lafayette, himself, to secure the government from all future difficulty. It only remains for me, said Mr. H. to add, that, on a portion of the land thus generously relinquished, now stands a valuable part of the city of New Orleans, valued by gentle. men well acquainted with it, (according to estimates now before him) at from four to five hundred thousand dollars. It is perfectly immaterial, said Mr. H. to inquire, whether some legal difficulty might not have existed in establishing the General's title. Nothing but a judicial Senate.] Gratitude to Lafayette. [DEC. 21, 1824. had been introduced, partly from a hope that it might induce the settlement of the beloved family in our country. It would be a rich provision for the grand children of Lafayette. It was thought, moreover, it would add to the grace of the measure. Without being over much disposed to consult the opinions of Europe, it was important, as to its aspect abroad, that Congress should act upon this subject not only liberally, but gracefully. A thing of this sort, he might be allowed to add, to be well done, should be promptly done, and with unanimity. He to the principle of the bill, to yield up the objections which they might feel to any part of the details, assuring them that much pains had been taken to adapt them to the prevailing sentiment of the members. investigation could have settled the rights of the parties; and, as the Generai has relinquished his claim, and has never, at any time, claimed indemnity, that investigation would now be useless. But, the point on which he delighted to dwell, was the magnanimity, the refinement of feeling, the noble delicacy of sentiment, which prompted the General at once to abandon his claims, to refuse even to inquire into them,and, wholly regardless of his own interests, to look only to the interests of our country. But there are still grounds almost as strong as its equi-intreated of gentlemen, therefore, who were favorable ty and justice, said Mr. H. upon which this claim may be placed. According even to precedent, if precedents were consulted in such a case, the government would be bound to recompense the services of Lafayette. Do gentlemen doubt upon this point, I could refer to numerous instances of legislation upon the same principles on which this bill depends. Mr. H. here referred to several: to the act making compensation for the "sacrifices and services" of Baron Steuben; to that which appropriates, in the language of this bill, "an entire township of land" for a recompense to Arnold Henry Dohrman, for similar services; to the act making provision for the daughters of Count De Grasse; and to that providing for the widow of Alexander Hamilton. But (Mr. H. said,) he would not rely upon precedent for a justification of this measure. When the government of a nation consults the dictates of justice, and obeys the impulse of noble sentiments, it does what con tributes to the glory and interest of the people. Neither was there any danger to be apprehended on the score of precedent, from the passage of this bill. Can this bill, said he, ever be drawn into precedent? Can such a case as Lafayette's ever again occur? Can the nation be born again? Can it assume a second childhood? Can it ever be reduced to a state of such poverty as to require similar services? And, if this nation could be shorn of its power; be reduced to extreme distress by a second struggle for its independence; and, in the winter of its fortunes should be anxiously looking for succor, in arms, in men, and in money; and, at such a crisis, a foreign nobleman, bound by no ties to us, should make a crusade in our behalf, embark himself and his fortunes in our cause; pour forth his treasures, shed his blood in our defence; and, whilst the scale of our destiny is in equipoise, throw himself into the balance; would you consider the example which you will set by this bill, as one which you ought not, in such a case, to follow? No, sir: the case before us is one of its own kind; it can never happen again; and if it could, the possibility of such a recurrence ought to constitute no objection to the proposed measure. There is still another consideration, which had influence on the minds of the committee, and which Mr. HAYNE considered as not the least important connected with this subject. It is, that the provision to be made, should not only be worthy of the distinguished person for whom it is intended, but that it should be worthy of the character of the nation-worthy of the American people. National character is national wealth; it gives a tone to the public sentiment and feeling, which add strength and energy to the country. Mr. H. was certainly not disposed to look abroad for a rule of conduct. He would not consult the mistaken opinion of foreign nations, when we had any great duty to perform. And yet it was highly desirable that we should always so act as to command the respect of the world. Now, what would be thought of us in Europe, if, after all that has passed, we should fail to make a generous and liberal provision for our venerable guest? We have, under cir cumstances calculated to give to the event great eclat, invited him to our shores. We have received him with the utmost enthusiasm The people have every where greeted him in the warmest terms of gratitude and affection. The attention of the civilized world has been drawn to the event, as one even of national importance. It is unfortunately too well known that the object of our affectionate attachment has spent his fortune in the service of mankind, and that we ourselves have received a large portion of the wealth which he has never hesitated freely to surrender in the holy cause of freedom. Now what will be thought of us in Europe, and, what is much more important, how will we deserve to be thought of, if we send back our venerable guest without any more substantial proof of our gratitude, than vague expres sions of regard? We will be accused (and he knew not how it could be said unjustly) of pretending to sentiments which we did not feel, and with paying substantial services with unmeaning professions of esteem. By As to the objection which had been urged by the hon- bringing Lafayette to the United States, we place him orable gentleman from Ohio, on the details of the bill, in a new and extraordinary situation in society. We Mr. H. would only observe, that it was impossible, in a have connected him with our history. You have made measure of this nature, to meet the views of every gen-him a spectacle for the world to gaze on. He cannot tleman. The committee had found that, while great unanimity prevailed among the members as to the thing to be done, much difference of opinion existed as to the best manner of doing it. He could only conjure gentlemen, therefore, who concurred in the principle, to come prepared to surrender their peculiar views in relation to the details. Some gentlemen prefer a grant of money; others stock; and others land. The committee had taken great pains to give to their propositions a form which should be, as far as possible, acceptable to all. Stock was referred to money, because, while it was equal in value, and was always convertible into money, even at a premium, it would furnish a secure and certain income, which would render the veteran comfortable in the evening of his days, and smooth his path to the grave; and, being the last of our debts to be redeemed, would remain upon record as a standing monument of the gratitude of a free people. The donation of land go back to France and become the private citizen he was when he left it. You have, by the universal homae of your hearts and tongues, made his house a shrine, to which every pilgrim of liberty, from every quarter of the world, will repair. At least. let him not, after this, want the means of giving welcome to the Americans who, whenever they visit the shores of France, will repair, in crowds, to his hos itable mansion, to testify their veneration to the illustrious compatriot of their fathers. Lafayette will be a connecting link between the old world and the new. By your voluntary act you have placed him in this extraordinary situation; and, if, after all that has been done and said, we permit him to return home, without passing the bill on your table, we must suffer a loss of reputation at home and abroad, which time cannot repair. Mr. Hayne concluded, by regret ting that he had been compelled to say even thus much on the subject. He knew that in this House, as in the |