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of property, and an important increase of the wealth of three states through which this great public work had been constructed.

[H. of R.

stood and agreed upon, as a part of the pian, that on-
gress should go on with the road, and carry it to all the
states whose funds have been thus pledged.
On the question of the utility of the present undertak-
He was hap-

It has been called, by some gentlemen, a Westerr. road,
but how could it be a Western road, wher. not one footing, Mr. C. trusted he need say no more.
of it lay within any one of the Western states, but the
entire road, in all its parts, lay wholly in the Eastern
states? The direct benefit, and much that was collate-
ral, was felt by the three Eastern states where the road
lay; the only benefit to the Western states was a mere
right of way. All they enjoyed in the road was the
right to pass over it to visit their brethren in the East,
and to come to this Metropolis to mingle their counsels
with their fellow citizens of the South and East-im-
portant benefits no doubt-but not such as ought to de-
signate this road as a Western road. In fact, Mr. C. said,
it was neither an Eastern nor a Western road, but partly
the one and partly the other. The benefits derived from
it were strictly mutual.

py, he said, to find that the worthy gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. P. P. BARBOUR,) who, to his great regret, could not, with his views of the constitution, support the bill, had declared, with that honorable frankness for which he was so eminently distinguished, that, apart from that view of the question, he should be in favor of the measure now proposed.

Mr. C. asked, if the United States were not under a positive obligation to extend this road? What was the history of this undertaking? It arose out of a compact between the United States and the state of Ohio, at the time that state was admitted into the Union, by which two per cent. of the nett proceeds of the sales of the public lands was to be applied to the making of a road leading to the state of Ohio. A similar provision was also made in the compacts, by which Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Mississippi, and, he believed, Alabama, were admitted as states. It had been contended by some gentlemen, that the construction of the Cumberland road was'a fulfilment of this compact on the part of the United States. This, said Mr. C. I deny utterly. I grant, indeed, that it is a fulfilment of the compact with the state of Ohio. The United States covenanted to make a road leading to that state. They have done so; and Ohio has no right to demand that the road should be carried one foot further. But the case is entirely different with the states beyond Ohio. They have a right, under their respective compacts, to demand a road which shall terminate at their limits-a road which shall be brought up to the boundary line of those states respectively. It is very true, that Congress may begin the road wherever they please, but it must terminate at the state to which Congress has covenanted that the road sball lead.

Mr. C. thought that the principle of preservation itself afforded sufficient argument in support of the measure now under consideration. He knew, indeed, that all questions which glanced at the union of the states, and the possibility of its severance, should be touched lightly, and with a cautious hand. But, if they were not to be discussed in that august assembly, where might they be? I, said Mr. CLAY, am not one of those who are in favor of covering our eyes, and concealing from ourselves the dangers to which we may be exposed. Danger, of whatever kind, is best guarded against when it is deliberately contemplated, and fully understood. It is not to be averted by shutting our eyes and ears against the possibility of its approach. Happily, there exist among us many great and powerful principles of cohesion-a common origin-common language-a common law-common liberty-common recollection of na tional glory. But, asked Mr. C. have we not seen, in at least one instance in history, that all these have not been strong enough to prevent a total and lasting separation. And, though causes of the opposite kind may not in our case go all the length of producing this, yet they operate on every natural tendency to separation. That such tendencies do exist, will not be denied by any candid and reflecting man, and they call on us to look far a-head, and to prevent if possible, the disastrous evil which they threaten. Among the causes which go to increase the tendencies to separation, in such a system as ours, may be enumerated the lofty mountains which separates different parts of our country-the extended space over which our population and government are spread, together with the different scenes to which commercial pur suits lead the citizens of different districts of the Union. Some of these are, indeed, beyond human control, but the effect of many of them may be, in a certain degree, corrected, if not wholly removed. The mountains may be cut through: we will teach the lofty Alleghany to bow its proud head to the interest and repose of our country. As to space and distance, they are terms wholly relative, and they have relation as much to the facility of intercourse as to actual distance of place. It will be the business of wise legislation, to correct the evils to which a sparse population exposes us. We have already seen what may be effected. A distance which formerly consumed nine days, (and in this I speak from personal knowledge, having passed the route in all conditions of the road,) can now be done in three. Wheeling is thus six days' travel nearer to Washington. So is St. Louis, So is every place West of Wheeling. If two places are twenty miles apart, and two other places are eighty miles asunder, and yet the distance between both occupies but one day, the two latter places, for every practical purpose, are as near to each other as the two former. And is it not the solemn duty of this House, to strengthen, by every means in its power, the principles of cohesion which bind us together-to perpetuate the union of these states, and to weaken and diminish, to the utmost It has been said, that the provision which pledges the of its ability, whatever has an opposite tendency? Can two per cent. fund of the several Western states for de- the imagination of man conceive a policy better calcufraying the expense of the Cumberland road, had been lated than that of which the present measure forms a part, inserted in all the former bills on that subject. I admit to bring the opposite extremities of our country together this, said Mr. C. but I should never have given my con--to bind its various parts to each other, and to multisent to its insertion, bad I not thought that it was under-ply and strengthen the various and innumerable ties of

Am I not, said Mr. CLAY, arguing a question which is too plain to be illustrated? Can it be said, that Government has made a road to Missouri, when it has made a road which no where approaches Missouri within 500 miles? or, that it has made a road to the other Western states, when it has made one to a point 250, 300, or 500 miles from them? Gentlemen say, that a road has been made in that direction. It might as well be said, that the making of Pennsylvania avenue, in this city, was a fulfilment of the contract, or that the Government might begin a road in the remotest part of the East, and end it there, provided it had a western direction. He repeated, Government was not bound to spend more than the two per cent. under the contract-but the road must end at the limit of the states with whom the compact was made.

And here, said Mr. C. let me ask my worthy friend from Mississippi, (Mr. RANKIN,) whether he would consider a road ending at Wheeling as a road to Mississippi, because it leads, though obliquely, toward that state? I am sure he would not. He would say Congress had fulfilled its bargain only when the road terminated at the Mississippi.

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commercial, social, and literary intercourse-in a word, to make of the various and wide-spread population of these confederated Republics one united people? It is true, that no efforts of the Government can altogether remove one effect of our local situation, which causes one part of our country to find its commercial vent in one ocean, and another in another. Yet, even this, may be in part corrected, and one great advantage attending the proposed national highway-the formation of a part of which is contemplated in the present bill-will be its effect upon the commerce of the country. And here, said Mr C. let me state one fact. If, at this moment, the alternative were presented to me, of a total exclusion of my state from all use of the Mississippi river for commercial purposes, or the same exclusion from the Atlantic states, I would, without hesitation, prefer the former, and I believe that the commerce, that now passes the mountains from the West, to seek its outlet on the Atlantic coast, is of greater value than that which passes down the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico—and this will be increasingly the case, if, as I hope, we are to have several different outlets like that which is now proposed. I beg gentlemen not to be alarmed. It is not my intention to ask for any further appropriations for this purpose, at least for some time to come, but we shall live, I hope, as a nation, as long as any other nation. I speak not of the works of one year, or of twenty years, but of those to which we may look forward, should our present state of peace continue. An appropriation of half a million of dollars annually would not be felt by a country like this, and yet it would effect every object which the friends of internal improvement propose to themselves or to this House.

[JAN. 17, 1825.

tion, but did not give any authority to use or apply it in any general system of measures; and, if gentlemen are to wait till all the objects which may be proposed go on together, I will venture to say that the system of internal improvements will be postponed indefinitely. If any thing is to be done, we must select some object on which to begin. But, even on gentlemen's own ground, I contend that this measure is not in the least inconsistent with the act of last session. What was the object of that act? To obtain facts and collect information respecting objects of improvements where that knowledge was not yet obtained. But, with respect to this object, the information is obtained, the facts are known. Surveys and estimates have been made. The length of the road proposed by this bill is eighty miles. Its estimated cost is 450,000 dollars. The work is already begun-it is still in progress. A momentary pause has indeed taken place, but it is ready to proceed, and to be continued on the other side of the Ohio, as it has been finished on this side.

But we have been told that it is to be the policy of the next administration to pay the public debt; that it must be paid with as much expedition as is at all practicable, and that no part of the public resources are to be diverted to any other object. Sir, there is no member of this House more desirous to see the national debt paid than I am. I never was one of those who believe that a public debt is a public blessing. I have always considered it as a mortgage, dragging on our finances, and one which it was our duty to foreclose and pay off as soon as possible. Yet, we have also other duties. There are, indeed, some debts which we may not devolve on posterity-debts which spring from wasteful and ambiBut it may be said, Why should the General Govern- tious wars-debts which have their origin in national ment make a road for the state of Ohio? Sir, if this were luxury and extravagance. But there are debts of anoa road for the benefit of Ohio, I would not ask an appro- ther description, which I feel no hesitation in devolving priation of a single dollar. Ohio has no such peculiar on posterity. I refer to a debt which carries the benefit interest in this measure as would ever induce her to un- with the burden. When we bequeath both together, dertake to make this road. It is not a state road, but a posterity cannot equitably reproach our memory, benational road, that is contemplated. It is not the duty cause, while they bear the burden, they cannot but reof the state, it is your duty to make it. The route for collect that they are, at the same time, enjoying the bethe road passes through one of the poorest parts of the nefit. But, sir, is there any proposition before you to state of Ohio. Indeed, for sixty miles, it runs through create a national debt for internal improvements? What is as poor a country as I ever saw. Let me ask of the gen- the scheme proposed in the report lately laid before this tleman from Pennsylvania, Had this argument been used House, by the officer who presides with so much ability with respect to the Cumberland Road, would Pennsylva- over the Department of the Treasury, and which has renia have made that part of the road which now passes ceived the approbation of the Committee of Ways and through her territory? Or would Maryland or Virginia Means of this House? That officer tells you, that the have made what passes through theirs? No, sir! So far public debt may be completely extinguished in ten from it, that I am well satisfied, if that road were destroy- years; that, by the year 1835, the last dollar of it will ed to-morrow, a part of the population of these states have been paid, and that all this time there will remain would heartily rejoice. The resources of Ohio are scanty, in the Treasury a surplus of three millions, applicable to and she will not do that which you ought to do. Ohio any object within the constitutional powers of the Genewill certainly be benefitted by this road, just as Pennsyl- ral Government. The present bill cannot, therefore, be vania, Virginia, and Maryland, are now benefitted by the rejected from any want of means to carry it into effect. Cumberland road. But these incidental advantages, re- There is another view of the subject, not, indeed, consulting to Ohio, are not to deter you from performing your tained in any public document, and which ought not to duty to the Union, any more than the incidental benefits be, since it has not that entire degree of certainty which of a fortification in any particular state should prevent ought to accompany all documentary information. What the General Government from making the fortification. is your source of revenue? It is consumption. And Without troubling the committee with any further ob- what are the sources of consumption? Population and servations on the first branch of the subject, Mr. C. trust-wealth. Then, in a course of ten years, starting on any ed he was authorized to say, that the present is an ob- given tariff of duties, the increase of population will ocject of such importance as to be worthy of the applica-casion an increase of the revenue of 40 per cent. at a ration of the national resources. tio of four per cent. per annum. These truths are suffiHe then proceeded to the second branch of the sub-ciently obvious. It is said, indeed, that the policy that ject, and inquired, is this object a fit one to be pursued at this time? As an objection, it had been said, that this was an anticipation of a part of the system of Internal Improvement devised at the last session, and that the execution of that system ought not to be begun till the whole has been considered. But, in the first place, said Mr. C. I do not know that any general system of internal improvement has as yet been devised. The act of the last session was intended merely to collect informa

has been adopted for the encouragement of industry will diminish the revenue. But, when that subject was under consideration last session, I endeavored to show and I now repeat, that this cannot be the case. Different years will vary. In some, the revenue may fall short, but the redundance of others will supply the deficiency. The measure of our export trade will always be the measure of our imports, and the measure of our imports will be the measure of our revenue. I hope, therefore, thất

JAN. 17, 1825.]

Western National Road.

[H. of R.

the policy which was, at the last session, fixed upon, will ever be adhered to by this nation, as long as the course pursued by foreign nations shall render it necessary. On the whole, I think that gentlemen may calm their fears about the extent of the public debt. That debt is melting away before us faster, perhaps, than, for some of our financial interests, it might be wished. We have the prospect that it will be extinguished in ten years, and when we have paid this, we shall have fulfill-not located in the West, nor, on the other hand, is it ed the whole of our duty in that respect.

But, if we are invited to the present measure by the abundance of our means, are we not less so by a variety of other considerations? One of these is the cheapness of labor, greater, perhaps, at this time than ever before. Some gentlemen, indeed, spoke in the language of alarm about the vast expense of the Cumberland road But, it must be remembered, that there were peculiar causes to produce that effect. The general aspect of the times, when it was constructed; the nature of the materials which were required for it; the difficulty in some cases of obtaining them; and the unnecessary number and extravagant price, of the bridges on that road, several of which cost forty thousand dollars each, and which are so numerous, that, upon one single creek, in a course of ten miles, there are eleven bridges, some of which cost $20,000 a-piece. These, indeed, are beautiful specimens of architecture, surpassed by nothing which I ever saw, unless it be the bridge of Jena at Paris: but they have been also very costly. Under the circumstances, this was certainly a useless expense. I pledge myself, however, said Mr. C. that if Congress shall grant the one hundred and fifty thousand dollars estimated as the total expense of the road from Wheeling to Zanesville, nothing more shall be asked for bridges, or any other expenses, on that road.

An additional consideration in favor of this measure, Mr. C. said, was to be found in the pecuniary distresses of the West, which would in part be alleviated by the expenditure of the public money in that quarter, and which was certainly entitled to the parental consideration of this body.

Its being, then, a national object-an object which has been commenced-an object due by compact to the Western states-all these considerations united to call for the passage of the present bill.

As to commencing a general system of internal improvement, said he, if gentlemen can shew us any road beginning at the heart of the confederacy, of equal national importance, I for one, will heartily support it; but I believe there is not another object in which all these considerations unite. Why pause for what we do not want? For plans, estimates, and surveys, which we have already got? Why pause in prosecuting this object, more than in another-(the Delaware and Chesapeake Canal) a bill which I was delighted to see pass the committee to its third reading; and which I cannot doubt will continue its progress through the House with a still increasing majority. It has been said by some gentlemen in conversation, though not of a confidential kind, that the West ought not to have this bill, until other portions of this Union receive a simultaneous benefit. But I can assure gentlemen, there is no danger of undue appropriation in favor of the West. In a late report from the Department of War, a document consistent with the high character of that Department, and which bore the impress of the mind of its author, rapid yet correct, we are informed what objects are indicated by the Secretary of War, as more immediately calling for the attention of the General Government. They are only four. The canal to unite the Potomac with the Ohio, the canal round the Falls at Louisville, the canal round the Muscle Shoals, and the Cumberland Road. It is possible that for some, at least, of these objects, the National resources will never be appealed to. The state which I in part represent, said Mr. C., lately passed

a bill through one branch of the Legislature, to cut the canal round the Falls at Louisville, entirely from the state resources, and it is highly probable that that bill will pass the other House, and become a law. The number of objects, then, claiming immediate attention will be reduced to three. Of these the Cumberland road is certainly not a Western object, any more than the canal uniting the Ohio and Potomac. That canal is exclusively an Eastern improvement. Like the National road, it is neither an Eastern nor a Western object, but one which belongs to the whole nation, and is calculated, in its effects, to cement the East and the West in bonds of an affectionate kind. Let me advert to one other topic, to which I refer, not for the purpose of exciting, but of allaying jealousy. It is to the small comparative amount of the public expenditures beyond the mountains. I do not say an equivalent is to be given to the West for the vast sums expended on this side upon the navy, fortifications, &c. No such thing. I know the disproportion results from local circumstances, not in the control of Government. Yet, am I wrong to say, that it forms an equitable consideration which addresses itself strongly to the feeling, to the justice, and to the generosity of Congress; all which cannot but induce them to correct, as far as possible, such a state of things, and make the balance of public benefits more equal whenever the opportunity is presented to them? I may ask with confidence, has the West ever acted on this narrow policy? Did it ever hesitate when the public wants required its aid? Did you ask for navies?-The moneys for building and equipping them were freely granted; and here I must be permitted to say, that, when the navy was friendless and forlorn, and I well knew that my vote in its favor would be no sooner given than denounced, anticipating the triumphs which have since wreathed with laurels the national brow, I personally risked every thing in giving my vote in favor of it. No, sir, there was no hesitation ever manifested by the West, in granting any appropriation, the object of which is clearly shewn to be the public good. Enquiry, it is true, is sometimes called for, but as soon as gentlemen from the West are convinced that the object is a good one, they give without hesitation. Do you call for war? A war to protect commerce? What was the conduct of the West? No seamen sprang from her bosom. They were dear to her indeed, as the sons of our own common country. Yes, they were not peculiarly hers--her interest in them was collateral, not direct--sympathetic, not selfish. The West rushed manfully on-but what they bore, what they suffered, and what they did, it does not belong to me here to say.

With respect to the hon. member from South Carolina, (Mr. McDUFFIE,) whom I was delighted, on a former occasion, to find co-operating with the friends of internal improvement, I must say that my delight was only equalled by the regret I now feel at his opposition to the present bill. He tells us that the West is filled with emigrants from the Eastern states; that her inhabitants are but one part of the same family, spread on the eastern and western side of the mountains; that all the various and fond recollections which belong to the birth-place of these emigrants, constitute so many ties and safeguards to cement the common union. But, need I remind that gentleman, that other generations are hereafter to spring up-generations who will find the tombs of their ancestry, not upon the shores of the Atlantic, but in the valley of the Mississippi and the Ohio. On them no such ties will exert their power-no such recollections spread their healing influence. Is it not then the duty of the General Government to bind our population by other and more lasting ties? And, after all, what is it that is asked from Congress, not only at this session, but at all future sessions, for these eighty miles of the great National highway? Less than the

H. of R.]

Western National Road.

[JAN. 17, 1825.

cost of a single frigate-nót twice the sum which will relation to her roads, as other states had done, there build those ten sloops of war which are now called for, could be no objection to giving her aid by a subscripand which I apprehend will be required for the defence tion to the stock of her Turnpike Companies. By such of our commerce against the depredations of piracy-a provision as that, said he, you invite individuals to this is all that is asked. Yet we are told of the raven-make exertions to effect public works, and you get ous voracity of the West! Will Pennsylvania decline something for your money. You get tolls from the an appeal, not to her generosity, but to her justice? Is road, which are exceedingly important to keep the it fair is it generous-is it just-after she has enjoyed roads in order, and place the Government roads on an the expenditure of more than a million of the public equality, as to their condition, with the Turnpike Roads money, on the Cumberland road-after houses have made and kept in repair by individual associations. Mr. sprung up, and villages been formed, and settlements B. proposed, by this amendment, whenever 80 per cent. multiplied upon her soil, in consequence of that expend- of the capital stock of any company should be subscribiture--I ask, is it generous, to say, the moment the ed and secured to be paid, to authorize the Executive road leaves the limit of that territory, that she will op. to subscribe the remaining 20 per cent. which, in the pose its farther progress? But, if neither justice nor road now in question would require about the same generosity will prevail with her, let me remind her dele- amount of money as the bill proposed to appropriate. gation of the interest of that state. What is this road Mr. B. then submitted the following as a substitute for but an extension of the road from Philadelphia to Pitts- the bill : burg? And whither will its branches lead but to Bedford, to Carlisle, and downward, from thence, through all the neighboring towns? Sir, I do hope that the gentleman from Pennsylvania will not oppose this bill. I know, indeed, that there did once exist a prejudice against the Cumberland road, in one city of that state; but I feel satisfied that ere now the good sense which 90 eminently distinguishes that city, has prevailed against the prejudice arising from a local interest, by which, for a moment, it was clouded. May I not appeal to the whole House? We have a great trust-we have also a great duty to perform. Let us lend our hearty co-operation for the common good of those who

sent us.

What shall we, from the West, say to our constituents when we return home, and they ask us, what have you done for the Cumberland road? Must we answer, "No money, no money." If they can ask us what was done for the Delaware and Chesapeake canal, must we say, "O! there was some money for that-about twice the sum we asked for the Cumberland road?" Sir, we are men, and we have the feelings of men. But I will not longer detain the committee on an object so simple and a proposition so self evident as the expediency of this measure. Let me rather anticipate your parental kindness-your paternal feelings, in promoting a design so intimately connected, I will say, with the safety and the best interests of our country.

The question was then taken on filling the blank with 150,000 dollars, and decided in the affirmative-ayes 96, noes 86.

The committee then rose and reported the bill; and the amendments made in committee of the whole, havbeen concurred in

Mr. BRECK, of Pennsylvania, said, he had no objection to voting money towards the accomplishment of the object proposed by this bill. But as the ground of compact had been taken away, he had prepared an amendment to the bill, by the adoption of which, the bill would better meet his views than it would in its present shape.

There were, he said, three ways in which money might be advantageously appropriated by the Government for the purpose of internal improvement: the first, by adopting a general system, founded on a survey of the whole wants of the country; the second, by the appropriation of money for the purpose, leaving the selection of objects and the application of the money, to the states respectively; the other, by subscriptions to the stock of companies already created by the authority of the states. The last Mr. B. thought the preferable mode of doing this thing, and the object of his amendment was to aid the funds of every company which the state of Ohio should incorporate for the purpose of making this road, by a subscription to the stock of the company.

If, he said, Ohio were to go upon the same plan, in

"Sec. 1. Be it enacted, &c. That whenever a com|pany, with a competent capital, shall be incorporated by the state of Ohio, for the purpose of opening and making an artificial road, with proper corporate powers to take toll and keep the same in repair, from the town of Canton, in the state of Ohio, on the right bank of the Ohio river, opposite to the town of Wheeling, to the Muskingum river, at Zanesville, in said state, the Secre tary of the Treasury, shall be, and he is hereby, authorized to subscribe in the capital stock of said company, in the name and for the use of the United States, as many shares as shall amount to twenty per cent, on the whole capital stock thereot: Provided, the amount so subscribed shall not exceed dollars.

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the said Secretary shall pay the said subscription at such times and in such proportions as may be required by the said company, out of any unappropriated money in the Treasury, whenever it shall be satisfactorily shewn to the President that funds sufficient to finish said road, including the subscription hereby authorized, have been raised in the state of Ohio, under the act of incorporation as aforesaid.

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the said Secretary shall vote for President and Directors of said company, according to such number of shares thus subscribed, and shall receive upon the stock, the proportion of to'ls which shall, from time to time, be due to the United States for the shares aforesaid."

The question being taken, without debate, on agreeing to this amendment, it was decided in the negative, by a considerable majority.

Mr. JENNINGS, of Indiana, rose to propose an amendment to the bill. He did not wish to detain the House by any remarks upon it, but conceiving its provisions necessary to just legislation on the subject, if the House should adopt it, he would vote for this bill: if not, he should vote against it. Mr. J. then proposed the following:

“Be it enacted, &c. That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, authorized and empowered to appoint one impartial and judicious person, not being a citizen of either of the states through which the road hereinafter mentioned shall pass, to be a commissioner; and, in case of the death, resignation, refusal to act, or disability of any such commissioner, to appoint another in his stead, who shall have power according to the provisions of the act, entitled "An act to authorize the appointment of commissioners thereinafter mentioned," approved, May the 15th, 1820, to complete the examination and survey heretofore commenced by virtue of the provisions of said act, and to extend the same to the permanent seat of Government of the state of Missouri; the said road to conform, in all respects, to the provisons of the said recited act, except that it shall pass by the seats of Government of the states of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois; and the said commissioner, and the persons

JAN. 17, 18, 1825.]

Western National Road.

employed under him, shall receive the same compensation for their services, respectively, as is allowed by the said recited act: Provided, however, That the said road shall commence at Zanesville, in the state of Ohio, and, to defray the expense thereof, the sum of $10,000 is hereby appropriated out of the appropriations made by the first section of this act.

Mr. COOK, of Illinois, said, that, in what he should say on the subject of this amendment, he hoped neither the friends nor the enemies of this bill would think him obtrusive. But, whilst the gentleman from Indiana and Mr. C. himself, consider that proposition a just and rightful one, he could not consent to vote for the bill without endeavoring at least to procure this amendment to it. Whilst the pledge was retained in the bill-a pledge not coming up to the expectation or meaning of the parties to the compact on which it is professed to be founded, the House ought to allow these ten thousand dollars, of the money appropriated by the bill, to be applied to the location of the road from Zanesville to the Mississippi. After some further observations, he said he hoped every friend to this bill would give his support to it. We ask it of you, said he, as a matter of sheer justice, and we have a right to expect it.

[H. of R. & Sen.

young states into the great American family, and this I conceive of some political importance. They now ask a road to connect them more closely to you, and afford a more speedy communication between them and the old states. If this were sought and granted as a matter of favor instead of right, the Government would not, in my opinion, lose any thing by it. In the contemplated route the road would pass through much land still owned by the United States, the value of which would be much increased, and more speedily sold; so that in a short time the amount appropriated would be refunded. Towns, villages, and farms, would immediately appear on its borders, and their inhabitants and owners contribute much to the opening and improving the road.

As regards the compact made between the United States and these states on their admission into the Union, I conceive Congress as much bound to appropriate the two per cent. fund to making roads which shall touch or pass through those states, (and that their contract is not performed until this is done) as it was to pay the three per cent. fund when demanded; this last has never been refused, but advanced as a matter of right, and as matter of right the appropriation of the two per cent. fund, according to promise, is now demanded; both funds stand on the same principle, and are embraced in the same compact. I must, therefore, hope, sir, the proposed amendment will succeed.

The question was then taken on agreeing to the amendment proposed by Mr. JENNINGS, and decided in the negative, by 73 negative to 54 affirmative votes.

The question being about to be put on ordering the bill to be engrossed and read a third time, Mr. COCKE demanded that it be taken by yeas and nays, and it was so ordered. The question was not taken, however, today, being postponed by an adjournn.ent.

Mr. CALL, of Indiana, said, after the great talent and eloquence which had been elicited, it was with much reluctance that he now rose to express his views on the subject under consideration. But, said he, I feel it a duty which I owe to the people whom I have the honor to represent, to urge the amendment just offered. It asks but a small allowance for the location of a road through three of the new states of the West. Although it may have been said that the people of the Western states are clamorous in their demands on Congress, yet, when we take into consideration the great sums of money which they, for the last thirty years, have been constantly paying into the Public Treasury, for the purchase of lands, and the small sums which have been expended among them by this Government, their claims assume the character of equity, and your compact gives it that of justice. The inhabitants of that tract of country, once known as the North Western Territory, for the purchase of lands, have paid into the Public Treasury about twenty millions of dollars. Strange as this statement may sound to many who hear it, yet such is the fact. Upwards of eighteen millions Mr. EATON objected to the petition being received, of dollars have been received since the first land offices on the ground that the subject of another power was not were established in that section of the country, and permitted to approach Congress by petition. A foreignmore than one million of acres of land were sold previ-er who had any claim to bring forward against the Unitous to that period.

During the last five years of peace and national prosperity, Congress has appropriated upwards of three millions and a half of dollars, in the execution of light houses, improvements of harbors, surveying coasts, and making fortifications, and half a million is now annually appropriated to building ships of war. These are but small items in the national expenditure, yet they are immensely large when compared with the limited appropriations for the Western states.

The resources of their inhabitants are very feeble indeed; the money which they procure for purchasing lands is obtained in small quantities, from emigrants, and the sacrifice of property in an uncertain southern market; this money is immediately deposited in the Land Offices, and from thence transported in wagons or steam boats, to the National Treasury, to return to the West no more.

IN SENATE-TUESDAY, JANUARY 18, 1825. Mr. FINDLAY presented the petition of William Brandt & Co. merchants of the town of Archangel, in Russia, owners of two vessels, and subjects of Russia, by S. Chew, of Philadelphia, their attorney in fact, praying that certain additional tonnage and discriminating duties paid into the custom-house, at New York, by their agent, on the said ships and their cargoes, may be refunded.

ed States, ought to apply to the Secretary of State, and if he believed that it was correct, but had not sufficient authority to act, then it should be brought before Congress; and this was the course the petitioner ought to have pursued.

Mr. FINDLAY, in answer, observed that, although the Constitution only recognized the right of petitioning in citizens, yet there was nothing prohibiting receiving petitions from foreigners. There was at this time a bill On the table granting the benefit of the patent laws to an alien; and, if petitions of one kind were rec ived from aliens, and others rejected, he did not see how the distinction was to be made. Must a committee be formed for the purpose? This petitioner had been informed by the Secretary of the Treasury there was no other remedy but to apply to Congress. A similar petition had been received last year, but had not been acted on for want of time--and why was it to be rejected this year? I would ask Mr. Chairman, who are these Western Mr. KING, of N. Y. said that the Government of this people who are preferring their claims? Are they not country was for the people of this country, and if fcyour fathers, brothers, and neighbors, driven by mis-reigners had any communication to make, the minister fortune, and led by enterprize to seek a competency, or improve their condition in life, by contending with every difficulty and privation attendant on a frontier settlement? They have cut down the wide forests which they there found, and brought several flourishing

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or consul of their nation, was the proper person from whom it was to come. With regard to the case mentioned, in which the patent law had been extended to an alien, that application might be made by any gentleman whatever. The intercourse between Russia and this

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