peace with Massasoit, the great chief of that country, which lasted fifty years. New settlers of a similar character arrived -driven from their country by the turbulence of the times, and sat down at different points of the same territory.—These, with the natural increase, enabled them to extend themselves to the Connecticut, and along its waters. But these separate detachments, governed as they were in the patriarchal form, seemed incapable of defending themselves-they saw the necessity of union-they met by delegates in 1643, and formed a body for mutual defence. This was not only wise but fortunate--for Massasoit their great friend died-a new chief arose. Philip, a man of great personal bravery and much sagacity, became king of the nation. This wily savage secretly formed a combination of all the tribes, and fell suddenly on all their frontiers in 1675. The consequences you may conceive. But did the settlers despair? did they waver? No! they flew to their arms-not only defended themselves nobly, but prostrated the power of the savages, killed Philip their king, and restored peace to the settlement--and this too without the aid of a single man from the parent country--all was done by their own stout hearts-their own strong arms.— · Peace and tranquillity being restored, their population and strength rapidly increased, and prepared them for new and greater trials.

Near the commencement of the last century, the French, jealous of our increase and prosperity, under that gallant leader, Count Frontenac, aided by the savage tribes, suddenly attacked the Colonies and carried death and devastation along all our borders. The frontiers were laid waste-the settlers murdered or driven from their homes. But did our ancestors despond? No! my fellow countrymen, despondence is no part of the American character. They flew to arms; met and defeated the enemy-carried the war into his own country, and took Nova Scotia, from whence they had been greatly annoyed. Did the parent country give them any assistance either in men or money?—No! none. And I men

tion this that our youth may know that the assertion made by Great Britain, that they had at great expense nurtured us in our youth, and protected us from our enemies when unable to defend ourselves, was not founded in fact.

The crown foreseeing a war with France, passed orders in 1754 for the Colonies to depute delegates to Albany, to form some system under which the joint efforts of the whole might be brought to operate, as well for mutual defence as for offensive operations; for heretofore they had acted (except the New England Colonies) separately--each defending its own frontiers against the inroads of the Indians and the encroachments of the French. The delegates met and formed a system which was rejected as well by the crown as by the assemblies. of the Colonies. The plan was a general council of the Colonies, with a governor-general, who was to have a veto and be paid by the crown. The assemblies (already jealous) rejected it as giving too much power to the crown-and the crown refused it, lest it should show the Colonies their own strength when united, which at a future period might become inconvenient. The war of '56 (as it was called) terminated gloriously in 1763. During its continuance the Colonies furnished more than their proportion of both men and moneythe crown acknowledged it—a part of the money was returned, and thanks were given to the Colonies for their gallant exertions. The New England Colonies and New York alone furnished fifteen thousand men, and expended more than a million of pounds sterling. Canada, and all the French possessions in America, being ceded to Great Britain, the Colonies deemed themselves happy. No enemy on their borders. No one to make them afraid-all dwelling in safety under their own vines. Alas! my fellow citizens, how transient was their joy! how short a time was allowed them to exult for their success and for the glory they had attained. The mother country instigated by a weak and misguided ministry, in less than a year after the peace declared that -Parliament had the right to tax the Colonies-and actually

did in 1764 impose duties on certain articles exported to the Colonies. Those duties being payable in Great Britain, the act was not actually opposed--but created no little discontent among the colonists. The claim of the right of taxation was the hinge upon which the revolution ultimately turned.

In accordance with that claim, and that policy, Parliament passed the famous Stamp Act. That act created one burst of indignation from Maine to Georgia. This wanton invasion of our rights was met at the threshold-was resisted with firmness and with effect. The act was repealed--but with the assertion of the right to tax us at pleasure-a claim which was put in practice again, by another act passed in 1767, imposing duties to be collected in the Colonies, on TEA, and various other articles. That act met with general opposition; a firm and vigorous resistance was made to it throughout the Colonies. The indignant colonists spurned from them luxuries, aye, even necessaries, which could not be obtained without degradation. The articles on which the duties were levied were not permitted to be landed. The Tea being the principal article, was sent back from some ports; and that which arrived at Boston, that cradle of the revolution, was cast into the sea, was thrown overboard. This spirited resistance caused parliament to pass other acts still more obnoxious; among oth

ers the odious and infamous Boston Port Bill. These acts however did not pass without opposition; the virtuous Lord Chatham frowned upon them; that enlightened statesman, in the love of his country, forgot not the rights of the Colonies. He told them in prophetic language what would be the consequences of their wild and mad administration; he told them that taxation without representation could not and would not be submitted to by Englishmen or the sons of Englishmen. That the Colonies ought, as free men and Englishmen, to resist by arms, if a milder course was not adopted. Every thing tended to an open rupture, and the Colonies, true to themselves, prepared for the consequences. They chose delegates to meet in Congress at Philadelphia; and they did meet on the 5th of September, 1774.

In that body Mr. Adams appeared; his character was already well known, and was well suited to the times. To talents of the highest order, eloquence the most commanding, and an honest devotion to the cause of his country, he added that firmness of character, for which he was distinguished through life. Prior to that period, he had upon all occasions stood forth openly and boldly in defence of the rights of his country, and in opposition to the injustice and encroach ments of Great Britain. He boldly opposed them by his advice, his actions and his eloquence; and with other worthies, succeeded in spreading a proper alarm for their liberties among the people. Mr. Adams was placed upon the first, and most important Committees. During the first year, addresses were prepared to the king, to the people of England, of Ireland, Canada and Jamaica. The name of Mr. Adams is found upon almost all those important Committees. His firmness and eloquence in debate, soon gave him a standing among the highest in that august body.

The crown, deceived by the intrigues of designing men, lent a deaf ear to every entreaty; the addresses of Congress were treated with contempt, and the most irritating and insulting answers returned; submission, and submission alone, would be accepted, and troops were sent to Boton to enforce it.

In April, 1775, all hope of an honorable accommodation ceased with the battle of Lexington, and the Colonies flew to their arms. The people sustained the Congress; and all was considered as submitted to the fate of war, in all the preparations for which, Adams was always found active, firm, and eminently useful. In June, 1775, Jefferson took his seat in Congress. He appeared in that august body with the character of an able writer, a profound politician-whose whole soul was devoted to the cause of his country. These two matchless men formed a sincere friendship for each other, which terminated only with their lives. They entered hear tily into each others views, and side by side they moved stead ily in the cause of their country. It is believed that Mr. Ad

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ams had early thought of Independence. Few, very few had --indeed Congress had declared that no such intention had been contemplated Times and circumstances had changed, and both those great men had come to the conclusion that it had become now indispensible to strike for Independence. On the 15th May, 1776, a committee of which Adams was chairman, with Richard Henry Lee and Mr. Rutledge reported-That it is irreconcilable to reason and good conscience, any longer to take the oath of allegiance to Great Britain, and they recommend to the States to form governments competent to manage their affairs, independent of the crown." This resolution was virtually a Declaration of Independence—and so the Colonies understood it-and they instructed their members to consent to such a Declaration. Congress having considered the subject, appointed Jefferson as Chairman, with Adams, Franklin, Sherman and Livingston, a committee to prepare the draft of a Declaration. It is stated by Adams, that he and Jefferson were appointed a sub-committee—that Jefferson presented a draft, which was adopted by the committee, and reported to Congress, where it was approved, after a few alterations, which all who will compare the original draft with the present Declaration, will agree, impaired the beauty and the force of that celebrated instrument. It passed Congress on the 4th July, 1776, and was signed immediately by all present, and being spread upon the table was signed by such as had been absent, as they took their seats in the House. The whole number of signers was fifty-six-all of them high in the estimation of their countrymen—most of them men of splendid talents-devoted to their country. Self-interest held no place in their bosoms. Love of country was their ruling passion; their governing principle. Never was there a time which called for greater fortitude-greater moral courage; and never did a body possess them in a higher degree, than the Congress of '76; almost every man is possessed of animal courage. Those of us, who armed in our country's cause, had no danger but that of battle to encounter.