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som they sailed;-free as the red chieftains, whom they found launching the canoe on our inland seas, or chasing the deer in our proud forests;-they claimed the blessing of full emancipation from whatever was incompatible with the rights of man. Actuated by such feelings, Adams and Jefferson proposed and advocated the Declaration of Independence. For if they had not been deeply wronged by the metropolis, and if it was not their duty, in such case, to defend their imprescriptible rights by all the means, which Nature and Nature's God' had put in their hands,—then were they traitors against the king to whom they owed allegiance, and rebels against that parliament, which they were bound to obey. But they were not traitors,-they were not rebels. They were generous and public spirited patriots, who would not tamely yield up their birth-right to mere names, to the vain preju dices, with which the political wizards of Europe endeavour to prop up her decayed institutions. They were enlightened statesmen, who had penetration enough to discover that they could not belong to their enemies on the score of consanguinity, of allegiance, or of gratitude; and that therefore no power on earth had a right to stand up resistingly between them and constitutional independence. And they were the sons of persecuted puritans, who could appeal from the tribunal of human laws to a higher one in their own consciencies, by which they would be justified in repelling intolerance and usurpation by the red right hand of embattled warriors, and by which they were assured that, if they fell in the unequal conflict, they might look for a glorious remuneration to God.

Actuated by these exalted motives, the patriots of the revolution resolutely entered upon the dangerous crisis, which was to end in their defeat and their subjection to the ignominious punishment of felons, or on the contrary to make them the glorious founders of a mighty Republic. It was for others, led by the peerless Washington, to maintain the cause of independence in battle. The taste, education, and habits of Jefferson and Adams conducted them into duties, where, if less of mere animal hardihood was needed, there was not less

Adams, also,

of true courage and magnanimity of haracter. Jefferson, for a time, devoted himself to the task of consolidating the internal tranquillity and fixing the laws of Virginia, at whose head he was placed. During this period, his talents were constantly and actively engaged in furthering the progress of the revolution, to the extent of the means of his state. lent the aid of his standing and character to Massachusetts, in the establishment of her constitution, in whose construction he largely participated. But services, like these, which would create a brilliant reputation for ordinary men in ordinary times, are well nigh overlooked in the estimation of the distinguished fortunes of Adams and Jefferson.

Had the liberation of America depended solely upon her own resources, the struggle would have been far more doubtful inits issue. She might, by the very violence of despair, have sufficed to vanquish the disciplined fleets and armies, which the most opulent of modern nations was continually equipping for her subjugation. Still it must have been with wasting exhaustion of strength, and after a most protracted conflict. But happily the interests of the nation were advocated abroad by able, energetic, indefatigable ministers, who wrought, with perfect success, upon the cupidity or sympathy of European courts, or their jealousy of Britain, and obtained most seasonable and necessary succor for our bleeding country. Among these diplomatic agents, Adams was pre-eminent, as well for the importance of the objects he accomplished, as for the characteristic decision of purpose, ingenuity, and address, which he displayed in his various negotiations, He was employed in the most delicate embassies during the whole continuance of the war; and the noble termination of it, by the treaty of peace fully recognising our Independence, is mainly attributed to his talents and zeal. Search the journals of the continental congress, and in that venerable diary of our pendence, how grateful is the tribute which you read, to the diplomatic services of Adams! When the whole body of our foreign commissioners were censured by congress for their dis

Inde

union and jealousies, Adams alone was exempted from the charge. And at the close of his long period of negotiations, he is warmly thanked,-and how proud may his posterity rightfully be of such a record,—he is thanked for the patriotism, perseverance, integrity, and diligence, with which he ably and faithfully served his country.' But for his vigor and penetration, the temporizing policy of Franklin might have produced the most pernicious consequences. Upon the restoration of peace, he was appointed our first minister to England, and Jefferson was also honored with a mission to France, in which employments they remained until the adoption of the constitution of the United States.

At this important epoch, Adams and Jefferson both returned from their foreign stations, to give stability by their personal weight, and efficacy by their talents, to the new constitution. The country was shaken to the centre by the contending parties, who urged or opposed its adoption. Each party contained men of the highest fame and character; but the great bulk of those, who desired a well regulated order of things, and who were anxious for the national honor, were the warm friends of the constitution. Time has now set its seal upon this admirable instrument, and our established government, by having safely sustained the rudest shocks of war and civil animosity, has demonstrated at once its liberality and its solidity. In that day, ere its excellence had been proved by experience, men of the soundest patriotism were found among its opponents. But the influence of Washington, of Adams, and of a great majority of other tried patriots, and especially the victorious essays of Hamilton, Madison, and Jay, rallied the suffrages of the country around the palladium of our liberties. Every eye was instantly turned upon Washington, as the only man, whose prudence, authority, and all-subduing fame could ably administer the government in its feeble beginnings; and when he was elected president, he summoned around him all the first talents of the nation for his counsellors. The voice of the people had designated Adams, as second

only to Washington in public services, public gratitude, and public functions. And in accordance with his own sentiments and with the popular opinion, the chief magistrate selected Jefferson for the highest post of honor in his cabinet. The ardent love of country entertained alike by Adams and Jefferson, and the distinction they had acquired at home and abroad, entitled them to this elevation. They were both friends of the federal constitution; Adams more warmly and decidedly so than Jefferson, whose political opinions began to assume that popular and democratic complexion, which af terwards distinguished his party. Under these propitious auspices the first federal administration went into operation, with the anxious prayers of the nation, for the smiles of heaven to shine upon it. Although Adams was not constitutionally a member of the cabinet, his advice was taken, and his influence felt, in all its important measures. And Jefferson, also, for many years continued attached, in office and in principle, to the administration of the father of his country. Of the proclamation of neutrality, that leading act of Washington's presidency, which enabled America to remain 'the undismayed, undegraded, and unembarrassed spectator of the broils of Europe,' Jefferson was the firm and powerful defender, as he was, too, notwithstanding his decided partiality for France, of the indignation justly felt by Washington at the rashness of Genet. His elaborate official reports and correspondence attest his ability and faithfulness in the discharge of the important duties of his office. But at the second election of Washington, a growing rivalry was evidently becoming developed between men, whose genious and fame had hitherto won all hearts to their united support, but who soon came to be the rallying points of hostile parties. Upon the retirement of Washington, and the election of Adams to succeed him, the division was complete; and at the ensuing election the republican party triumphed, in the ascendency of Jefferson over Adams.

To the leading features of their respective administrations, it is difficult, at the present day, to do impartial justice and incompatible with the peculiar nature of a funeral oration. Would to heaven that no embittered feelings had ever sprung up to sharpen the contests of that period, and the recollections which they entailed upon the next generation! Would to heaven that men, who were equally devoted to their country, and whose dearest blood had been poured out like water in her service, could have entertained differing opinions, and upheld adverse lines of public policy, without being betrayed into acts, which their cooler moments would disapprove! But it could not be. The stormy elements of the revolution had not yet entirely subsided. Men still bore about them an ardent temperament, excited amid scenes of turbulence, of desperate resistance to foreign aggression; and it was impossible that the conflict of opposing sentiments, which in the calmest times is too prone to degenerate into violence, should then be conducted with perfect equanimity. Europe, at the same time, was convulsed by the agonizing efforts of the opressed to be free, and of crumbling dynasties to survive the crash of their power; and, remote though we stood from the immediate scene of commotion, its billows broke too often upon our distant shore. Far be it from us on this occasion, resting, as it were, above the green sod of patriots scarcely cold in the grave, to rekindle the torch of discord, or to harbor thoughts unsuited to the solemn season. It would be sacrilege to indulge in the idea. Let others pursue the failings of greatness to the tomb; let others regard only the dim specks in the broad and resplendent disk of their fame; let others surrender their admiration of the high-souled deeds of a life of usefulness, to the dark temper, which cherishes no charity for human infirmity. Be ours, the more grateful task, to yield honor where honor is due and there alone; but there to yield it freely and fearlessly. The voice of truth will assure us that posterity has much to applaud, and something to condemn in the political course of each departed patriot.

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