success however, against the aristocratic and unequal features in the Constitution of Virginia, by which "the majority of the men in that State who pay for its support are unrepresented;" and the unequal manner in which the State is districted for senators and representatives; and the concentration in the same hands of all the powers of government, legislative, executive and judiciary. But his noblest effort, though unsuccessful, has been for the emancipation of slaves, and the abolition of this standing reproach to our country and human nature. Had his measures been successful, instead of numbering slaves by millions, they would now be reduced to a few thousands. The following eloquent paragraph on this subject, was reported by him as part of the Declaration of Independence, but stricken out by Congress:

"He (the King of England) has waged war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty, in the persons of a distant people, who never offended him, carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the christian King of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain this execrable commerce; and that this assemblage of horrors might want no distinguishing dye, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people upon whom he also obtruded them; thus paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one people, with crimes which he urges them to commit against the lives of another."

The last act of his life was the establishment of the University of Virginia, of which he was Rector. History affords no example of a private individual, by the force of his influence, having commenced and carried so near to perfection such an establishment. Such, fellow-citizens, was Thomas

Jefferson, the statesman, the philosopher, and the patriot, the friend of his own country, and the benefactor of mankind. The measures of no other individual in our country have ever acquired equal popularity. He lived to see his name used as an epithet to designate a popular and correct administration of government; and died on the day which his own act had consecrated.

John Adams* stood next to our venerable Holyoke on the catalogue of our University. He had already acquired celebrity, and was a distinguished barrister at the commencement of our revolution. He was early employed to contest the validity of the Stamp Act, and to deny in the courts of law the necessity of using Stamps. From the first moment of the contest, he embarked earnestly in it, and during this perilous period stood in the midst of the furnace. A direct descendant of the Puritans, he possessed all their virtues; an invincible courage, and an inflexible love of civil and religious liberty. Before 1765, he was a distinguished writer in the public newspapers in favor of the rights of the colonies, and that year he published a dissertation on the feudal and canon law, which attracted so much attention as to be republished in England. It breathes throughout the purest spirit of liberty. His talents, and the course he pursued, soon rendered him conspicuous as a most dangerous opponent to the government; and with a view to silence him, Gov. Barnard offered him in 1768, through his friend Sewall, the office of Advocate General‡ in the Court of Admiralty; this office he promptly declined. In 1770 he was elected a representative from Boston. During the same year, he was called upon to perform a duty which

*John Adams was born in Braintree, October 30 (19,) 1735; he graduated in 1755. Edward A. Holyoke graduated in 1746, and is 98 years old.

†See Note A.

"An office very lucrative at that time, and a sure road to the highest favors of Government in America."

demonstrated the elevation of his character, and his high sense of justice and professional duty. The people of Boston becoming exasperated at being made a military garrison, made an attack on the soldiery; the soldiers fired in self-defence, and several persons were killed. What an opportunity this for a demagogue to inflame the passions, and raise himself to popularity by joining in their extravagance. But this was not John Adams' character. He chose to vindicate the justice of his country, as well as to proclaim her wrongs. The soldiers were indicted for murder-he undertook their defence-was most successful in it-and nothing which occurred during the revolution, is more honorable to our character than this act of justice. Whilst he continued in the legislature of Massachusetts, he took an active part in their proceedings, and in writing those elaborate documents, the Massachusetts State Papers It 1773 and 1774, he was elected Counsellor, but negatived both years by the Governor. During the same

*

year, he was elected a delegate to the Continental Congress. After his election, his friend Mr. Sewall, the King's Attorney General, requested a private interview, and remonstrated against his going to Congress. He told him "that Great Britain was determined on her system; her power was irresistible, and would be destructive to him, and all those who should persevere in opposition to her designs." Mr. Adams replied to him, "I know Great Britain has determined on her system, and that very determination determines me on mine; that he knew I had been constant and uniform in opposition to her measures; that the die was now cast; I had passed the Rubicon-swim or sink, live or die, survive or perish with my country, was my unalterable determination."

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With such feelings and principles he took his seat in Congress, the first day of their session, September 5, 1774, and continued constant in his attendance during all their sessions until November 1777, a fortnight only before he was appoint

ed commissioner to France. In 1776 he was appointed Chief Justice of Massachusetts, but preferring the post of danger he declined the office. At the close of the first session, November 1774, on his return to Massachusetts, he found his friend Sewall employed in writing in support of the Crown side of the controversy, under the signature of Massachusettensis; to him he replied in twelve elaborate numbers, under the signature of Novanglus. Thus his time in Congress and at home, was devoted to his country.* To estimate the nature of Mr. Adams' labors in Congress, it is only necessary to turn over the journals. He was on more committees than any other member; almost every measure of importance, in some stage, was committed to him. He was chairman of the board of war; also of the board of appeals; he was on the committees to give instructions to foreign ministers-to give commissions and instructions to the military officers-on committees to prepare various addresses-on the medical department-on the post office. His duties must have been more laborious than those of any officer under any government on earth.f

The Independence of the Colonies, was Mr. Adams' early‡ and constant aim. With a prophetic spirit, he foretold it in a letter from Worcester in 1755, when only 19 years old.§

*Massachusetts at this period, by the advice of Congress, (to whom they had applied) had assumed to act independently of the Royal government. The House in July chose a Council, who exercised the authority of the old Council and of the Governor. Mr. Adams was chosen a member of this Council, and took his seat during the recess of Congress. He was again chosen the but declined.

next year,

+He served on ninety committees-twice as many as any other member, except Richard Henry Lee and Samuel Adams. And although it was the policy to put Virginia generally at the head, he was chairman of twenty-five committees. In September 1776, he was appointed, with Franklin and Rutledge, to meet Lord Howe, and learn his authority and propositions.-Note D.

#Note E.

§Note F.

So thoroughly satisfied were they in the other Colonies that Mr. Adams and his colleagues were for Independence, that before they reached Philadelphia in 1774, they were warned by the most respectable men of the middle states, that they must not in Congress or in private conversation utter a word concerning Independence ;-that it was as unpopular as the stamp act itself; that they were so much suspected of aiming at Independence, that they must not attempt to lead; but that as Virginia was the largest state, and was not suspected, they must yield the lead to her. Actuated by no personal motives, he was willing to sacrifice his own consequence, and that of his section, to the common good; and to allay all jealousy, he consented to perform a subordinate part, in those scenes in which he was really the great actor.

All the delegates from the other Colonies* at this time believed that England would be brought to terms without resorting to Independence. It was early rumored in the city of Philadelphia, that John Adams was for Independence. Those opposed to it, represented him in the most odious point of light-and he was pointed at as he passed the streets, and avoided like a pestilence. Still he persevered-every day he gained proselytes to his belief-and at last, on the 6th of May, 1776, he moved a resolution, which was adopted on the 15th, that the Colonies should form governments independent of the Crown. This act is justly considered in history as the assumption of Independence, and to him it owed its passage. Between that day and the 7th of June, many of the States had expressed opinions in favor of Independence. Virginia had given instructions to her delegates; in conformity therewith, Richard Henry Lee, designated for that purpose by his colleagues, on that day moved a resolution for Independence, which was seconded by John Adams, On the 11th of June, the committee to prepare the Declaration was appointed. The committees of Congress were then chosen by ballot, the

*Note G.