網頁圖片
PDF
ePub 版

MR. LINCOLN ON PROTECTING NEGRO SOLDIERS.

525.

the South, whom our Government of power to surrender Blacks taken might justifiably employ as soldiers. in arms, because of the resolve just But the resolve nevertheless stood for quoted and orders based thereon; years, if not to the last, unrepealed and this was probably the immediate and unmodified, and was the primary, impulse to the issue of the following fundamental impediment whereby General Order: the exchange of prisoners between the belligerents was first interrupted; so that tens of thousands languished for weary months in prison-camps, where many thousands died of exposure and starvation, who might else have been living to this day.

"EXECUTIVE MANSION, "WASHINGTON, July 30, 1863. "It is the duty of every Government to give protection to its citizens, of whatever those who are duly organized as soldiers in class, color, or condition, and especially to the public service. The law of nations, and the usages and customs of war, as carried on by civilized powers, permit no distinction as to color in the treatment of prisoners of Secretary Stanton, having learned war as public enemies. To sell or enslave that three of our Black soldiers cap-or, and for no offense against the laws of any captured person, on account of his coltured with the gunboat Isaac Smith, in Stono river, had been placed in close confinement, ordered three of our prisoners (South Carolinians) to be treated likewise, and the fact to be communicated to the Confederate leaders. The Richmond Examiner, commenting on this relation, said:

"It is not merely the pretension of a regular Government affecting to deal with Rebels,' but it is a deadly stab which they are aiming at our institutions themselves -because they know that, if we were insane enough to yield this point, to treat Black men as the equals of White, and insurgent slaves as equivalent to our brave soldiers, the very foundation of Slavery would be fatally wounded."

After one of the conflicts before Charleston, an immediate exchange of prisoners was agreed on; but, when ours came to be received, only the Whites made their appearance. A remonstrance against this breach of faith was met by a plea of want

56 In discussing the first bill that came before the Senate involving directly the policy of arming negroes to fight for the Union, Mr. Preston King-who very rarely spoke, and never with bitterness-said:

"I have done talking in such a manner as to avoid giving offense to our enemies in this matter. I think it was the captain of the watch here at the Capitol who came and consulted me about getting permission to omit, during the sessions of the Senate, to hoist the flag on the top

war, is a relapse into barbarism, and a crime against the civilization of the age.

"The Government of the United States

will give the same protection to all its soldiers; and if the enemy shall sell or enslave any one because of his color, the offense shall be punished by retaliation upon the enemy's prisoners in our possession.

"It is therefore ordered that, for every soldier of the United States killed in violation of the laws of war, a Rebel soldier shall be executed; and for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold into Slavery, a Rebel soldier shall be placed at hard labor on public works, and continued at such labor until the other shall be released and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of war.

"ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

[blocks in formation]

of the Capitol; and, when he was asked what he wanted to omit that for, he said he feared it might be supposed that he desired to save labor and trouble, but he really suggested it because it hurt these people about here to look at it-to see the flag on the top of the Capitol. I had not done much; but I wrote a letter very promptly to the Secretary of the Interior, stating the fact, and saying that I did not care whom he appointed, but I wanted that man removed. He was removed; and, within ten days, was with the enemy at Manassas."

"Provided, That no part of the sums appropriated by this act shall be disbursed for the pay, subsistence, or any other supplies, of any negro, free or slave, in the armed military service of the United States."

Which was rejected: Yeas 8; Nays 28:

The Army Appropriation bill be- armies-not as menials, but as soling before the Senate, Mr. Garrett | diers-may be said to have begun Davis, of Ky., moved " to add: with the year 1863—that is, with the issue of the President's absolute Proclamation of Freedom. Mr. Stanton's first order to raise in the loyal States three years' men, with express permission "to include persons of African descent," was that issued to Gov. Andrew, Jan. 20th of this year; which was promptly and heartily responded to. In March, Gen. Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General of our Army, was dispatched from Washthere to initiate and supervise the ington to the Mississippi Valley,

YEAS-Messrs. Carlile, G. Davis, Kennedy, Latham, Nesmith, Powell, Turpie, and Wall (all Democrats).

At the next session-the Deficiency bill being before the House-Mr. Harding, of Ky., moved to insert

58

"Provided, That no part of the moneys aforesaid shall be applied to the raising, arming, equipping, or paying of negro sol-recruiting and officering of Black rediers." giments-a duty which he discharged Which was likewise beaten: Yeas with eminent zeal and efficiency; 41; Yays 105-the Yeas (all Demo-visiting and laboring at Memphis, crats) being

Helena, and other points, where Blacks were congregated, addressing them in exposition of the Emancipation policy, and urging them to respond to it by rallying to the flag of their country. To our officers and soldiers, in a speech at Lake ProviAdence, La.," he forcibly said:

Messrs. Ancona, Bliss, James S. Brown, Coffroth, Cox, Dawson, Dennison, Eden, Edgerton, Eldridge, Finck, Grider, Hall, Harding, Harrington, Benjamin G. Harris, Charles M. Harris, Philip Johnson, William Johnson, King, Knapp, Law, Long, Marcy, McKinney, William H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Noble, John O'Neill, Pendleton, Samuel J. Randall, Rogers, Ross, Scott, Stiles, Strouse, Stuart, Chilton White, Joseph W. White, Yeaman.

No other War measure was so strenuously, unitedly, persistently, vehemently resisted by the Opposition, whether Democratic or BorderState Unionists, as was the proposal to arm Blacks to uphold the National cause. Said Mr. S. S. Cox, of Ohio:

"I believe the object of gentlemen, in forcing this bill here, is to bring about-or, rather, to make final and forever-a dissolution of the Union. *** Every man along the border [Ohio] will tell you that the Union is for ever rendered hopeless if you pursue this policy of taking the slaves from the masters and arming them in this civil strife."

The regular, authorized, avowed employment of Blacks in the Union

57 Jan. 28, 1863.

"You know full well-for you have been over this country-that the Rebels have sent into the field all their available fighting men-every man capable of bearing arms; and you know they have kept at home all their slaves for the raising of subsistence for their armies in the field. In this way, they can bring to bear against us all the strength of their so-called Confederate States; while we at the North can only send a portion of our fighting force, being compelled to leave behind another portion to cultivate our fields and supply the wants of an immense army. The Administration has determined to take from the Rebels this source of supply

to take their negroes and compel them to send back a portion of their Whites to cultivate their deserted plantations—and very poor persons they would be to fill the place of the dark-hued laborer. They must do this, or their armies will starve.

* * *

"All of you will some day be on picketduty; and I charge you all, if any of this April 8.

58 Dec. 21, 1863.

69

PROGRESS IN RAISING BLACK SOLDIERS.

unfortunate race come within your lines, that you do not turn them away, but receive them kindly and cordially. They are to be encouraged to come to us; they are to be received with open arms; they are to be fed and clothed; they are to be armed."

[ocr errors][merged small]

and not many who refused to admit, that a systematic arming of the Blacks in defense of the Union imposed obligations and involved consequences incompatible not merely with the perpetuation of Slavery, but with that of Caste as well. Hence, the proclaimed repugnance in Congress, in the Press, and among the People, to arming the Blacks, was quite as acrid, pertinacious, and denunciatory, as that which had been excited by the policy of Emancipation.

There was still much prejudice against Negro Soldiers among our rank and file, as well as among their superiors; those from New England possibly and partially excepted: but the Adjutant-General was armed with a potent specific for its cure. The twenty regiments of Blacks which he was intent on raising he had authority to officer on the spot Yet, in spite of ugly epithets, the from the White veterans at hand; work went on. Presently, a distinct from the White veterans at hand; Bureau was established," in the Adand this fact-at least, until the commissions should be awarded-operated jutant-General's office at Washingas a powerful antidote to anti-negro ton, "for the record of all matters prejudice. There were few, if any, relating to the organization of colored instances of a White sergeant or cor- troops;" and a Board, whereof Gen. poral whose dignity or whose nose for the strict examination of all canSilas Casey was President, organized revolted at the proximity of Blacks as didates for commissions in Black private soldiers, if he might secure a lieutenancy by deeming them not regiments; by whose labors and inunsavory, or not quite intolerably so; vestigations a higher state of average while there is no case on record character and efficiency was secured where a soldier deemed fit for a cap-been attained in the (too often hasty in the officering of these than had taincy in a colored regiment rejected it and clung to the ranks, in deference to his invincible antipathy to "niggers." And, though Gen. Banks, in his order" directing the recruitment of a 'Corps d'Afrique' in his department, saw fit to say that

"The prejudices or opinions of men are in no wise involved;" and "it is not established upon any dogma of equality, or other theory, but as a practical and sensible mat

ter of business. The Government makes
use of mules, horses, uneducated and edu-
cated White men, in the defense of its insti-
tutions. Why should not the negro con-
tribute whatever is in his power for the
cause in which he is as deeply interested
as other men? We may properly demand
from him whatever service he can ren-
der," &c., &c.-

yet there were few who did not see,
60 May 1.
C1 May 22.

02

and hap-hazard) organization of our White regiments. In August, the Adjutant-General again visited the Great Valley on this business; and he now issued from Vicksburg an order which was practically a conscription of all able-bodied male Blacks who should seek protection within the Union lines, and should not be otherwise employed, into the National service. Next appeared " an order from the War Department, establishing recruiting stations for Black soldiers in Maryland, Missouri, and Tennessee, and directing the enlistment as volunteers of "all ablebodied free negroes;" also the "slaves

[blocks in formation]

in local knowledge, in capacity to endure fatigue, in ability to brave exposure and resist climatic or miasmatic perils, they were equal if not superior to the average of our White troops; in intelligence and tenacity, they were inferior; and no wise General would have counted a corps of them equal, man for man, in a great, protracted battle, to a like number of our Whites. Yet there were Black regiments above the average of Whites in merit; and their fighting at Fort Wagner, Port Hudson, Helena, Mobile, and some other points, was noticed by their commanders with well deserved commendation. To exalt them to the

of disloyal persons [absolutely], and slaves of loyal persons with the consent of their owners," who were to be paid $300 for each slave so enlisted, upon making proof of ownership and filing a deed of manumission. Thus the good work went on; until, in December, '63, the Bureau aforesaid reported that over 50,000 had been enlisted and were then in actual service; and this number had been trebled before the close of the following year. And, though some of our Generals regarded them with disfavor, while others were loud in their praise, it is no longer fairly disputable that they played a very important and useful part in the overthrow of the Rebellion. Though disparagement of our White soldiers they were hardly allowed to partici- would be as unwise as unjust; but pate in any of the great battles those Whites who fought most bravewhereby the issue was determined, ly by their side will be the last to dethey bore an honorable part in many tract from the gratitude wherewith minor actions and sieges, especially the Republic fitly honors all her sons those of 1864-5. In docility, in un- who freely offered their lives for the questioning obedience to superiors, salvation of their country.

XXIII.

"abide by and faithfully support all acts of Congress passed during the existing Rebellion having reference to slaves, so long and so far as not modified by decision of the Supreme Court."

THE WAR ALONG THE ATLANTIC COAST IN 1864. THE XXXVIIIth Congress hav-| the Federal Constitution and Union, ing assembled,' and the House been and also organized by the friends of the Administration and the War-Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, Speaker, and Edward McPherson, of Pennsylvania, Clerk-President Lincoln transmitted next day his Annual Message, to which he appended a Proclamation of Amnesty, which he therewith issued, offering a free pardon, on condition of taking an oath to support

1 Dec. 7, 1863.

Exceptions to this proffer of amnesty were made in case of all who had thrown up seats in Congress, Federal judgeships, or commissions in the army or navy of the United States, in order to embark in the

"Vote: Colfax, 101; all others, 81.

GEN. TRUMAN SEYMOUR IN FLORIDA.

529

and very few residents remaining. A railroad train from Tallahassee, had arrived and departed that day; but the rails were to have been taken up that week for use elsewhere.

Rebellion; all civil or diplomatic | diers fired and ran as our troops officers or agents of the Rebel Gov-debarked, to find the place in ruins, ernment; all officers in the Confederate army, above the rank of Colonel; and of all who had been engaged in treating our colored soldiers or their officers “otherwise than lawfully as prisoners of war." This proffer was accepted by very few, and seemed to be regarded with even more contempt than indignation by the Rebel oracles. Where all who are prominently, responsibly engaged in a rebellion are excepted from a proffer of amnesty, those not thus exempted are apt to resent the discrimination as implying an inadequate appreciation of their consequence.

At 3 P. M. next day,' our troops moved westward parallel with the railroad-Col. Guy V. Henry, with the cavalry, leading: the intent being to surprise the Rebel Gen. Finnegan at Camp Finnegan, 8 miles west. The advance was skillfully and bravely made; but only 150 men were at the camp-Finnegan, with the residue, having hurriedly fallen back. Henry evaded a Rebel cavalry force covering the front, and dashed into the camp unannounced; capturing 4 guns, with a large amount of camp equipage and commissary stores, and a few prisoners-but not till the telegraph had had time to give the alarm to Baldwin, beyond. Henry pushed on at 4 A. M., and was in Baldwin at 7; capturing another gun, three cars, and $500,000 worth of provisions and munitions. He had a skirmish at the south fork of St. Mary's, 5 miles farther on, and drove the enemy, but lost 17 men. At 6 P. M., he was in Sanderson, 40 miles from. Jacksonville; where he captured and destroyed much property; pushing on, at 2 A. M., very nearly to Lake City, almost half way from the coast to Tallahassee; but here, at 11 a. M., Gillmore's force, under the imme- he found Finnegan in position, very diate command of Gen. Truman Sey-stubborn, and too strong to be moved: mour, embarked on 20 steamers and so he fell back 5 miles, bivouacked 8 schooners, and was off the northern in a drenching rain, and telegraphed mouth of the St. John's next fore- to Seymour, now at Sanderson with noon; occupying Jacksonville unre- part of his infantry, for orders and

Operations against Charleston having been but languidly prosecuted since the complete conquest of Morris island, the failure of Dahlgren's boat attack on Sumter, and his refusal to attempt to pass its ruins with his iron-clads and fight his way up to the city, Gen. Gillmore decided to employ a part of his force in a fresh expedition to Florida. The President, apprised of this design, commissioned John Hay, one of his private secretaries, as major, and sent' him down to Hilton Head to accompany the proposed expedition, under expectations, founded on the assurances of refugees, that Florida was ripe for amnesty and restoration to the Union.

sisted at 5 P. M. The few Rebel sol- food. It was reported that Finne

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small]
« 上一頁繼續 »