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crease of their number in the United States, is a | by this standard, and what is his condition? Exconclusive proof of the care and humanity with treme poverty compels him to almost incessant toil, which they have been treated.* Public opinion in the Slave-holding States is decidely hostile to every thing like cruelty towards the slave population. Their laws recognize slaves as persons entitled to protection, and while occupying a station in society below that of freemen, they are considered at the South in a light altogether different from that in which the abolitionists have with such persevering falsehood represented them. That the slaves are well fed, well clothed, and not required to perform an unreasonable amount of labor is well known, and the fact was cheerfully acknowledged by the British traveller Murray, then a decided foe to the institution of slavery. We have the authority of a distinguished member of the House of Commons for the statement, (based upon official returns,) that the independent agricultural laborer of England is allowed only three ounces of meat per week. This is below the daily average allowance of meat to the With the operatives of Great Britain, the people slave laborers of the Southern States. The same of our country have no right, nor have they asgentlemen has referred to authentic documents dis-serted any right to interfere, although the English closing instances of children in the factories who abolitionists have indicated an impertinent wish to were required to work "17 hours a day all the regulate the domestic concerns of the Slave-holding year round." Nothing like this amount of labor States. The condition of the English operatives has ever been, or is now required of the slaves of has been referred to, as illustrating the fact, that this country. If the reports laid before Parliament political liberty does not imply individual comfort, by commissioners appointed by that body are to be or necessarily secure individual happiness. This believed, there are hundreds of thousands of opera- truth needs no argument or illustration to contives in the English factories subjected to a servi- vince the understanding of any considerate and tode far more appalling than any which has ever sober man, and is overlooked by none except the existed on this continent. Excessive labor and abolitionists of Great Britain and the United States. cruel discipline, a heated and impure air, insuffi- It may be said, that admitting the slaves of this cient and unpalatable food, vice and profligacy in country to be in a better situation than that of the their most degrading forms are the dismal charac- English operatives, it by no means follows that the teristics of English factory life. The operatives condition of the slaves here is not susceptible of have not found liberty and happiness to be synony- amelioration. This is true, and the question arises, mous; they have discovered no magic power in lib-whose right and whose duty is it to provide for erty, by which men can live without labor. "Po- their comfort and happiness? The slaves do not litical liberty," according to Montesquieu, "con- belong to the Northern people, nor have the Slavesists in security, or in the opinion people have of holding States ever divested themselves of the their security." Let the English operative be judged right to control and regulate their own municipal

and uneducated as he is, he knows and feels that he has no security against an excess of labor, against ignorance, destitution and wretchedness. Utterly devoid of that sense of conscious security which gives value to political liberty, his happiness would be promoted by exchanging situations with the American slave. The imagination of the latter is not flattered by the idea, that he is a freeman, but he breathes on the soil of the planting States an atmosphere more pure than that of a crowded factory, he is less exposed to the contagion of vice, is required to labor less, receives a larger supply of nutritious food, and is exempt from all apprehension of want during sickness, or of starvation, in the evening of life. If a sense of security be taken as the criterion of political liberty, the negro of the Southern States is more of a freeman than the English operative.

concerns. The institution of slavery is one appertaining to the States in which it exists; in the language of Mr. Webster, it is emphatically "their affair." Heaven will not hold the descendants of

*While the proportion of insane and idiots among the free colored people residing in the free States is 1 in every 143 persons, the proportion of insane and idiots among the colored free population and the slave population inclusive the pilgrims and puritans responsible for the conis 1 in every 1,605.

"It is a deplorable fact," (said the Edinburg Review of 1842), “that the English agricultural poor, who have large families of very young children, live much better as beg gars than they do as laborers." The same work states the Dumber of beggars in England alone at 150,000 persons. Bulwer's England and the English.

duct of the Southern people, who, we trust, will, in due season, render a good account of their stewardship before the great searcher of hearts. The citizens of the Slave-holding States are entitled to whatever advantages slavery may afford, and must submit to any evils which the system may entail The children who are employed in the collieries of Eng- upon them. Whether they ought to abolish slavery land, probably suffer more than the operatives in the fac- -at what time, and in what mode, are grave questories. The Westminster Review for 1842 states that in tions, which they, and they only, must decide. The the coal mines of Derbyshire, where children from 6 to 8 are engaged, "from 13 to 16 hours are considered a day's abolition of slavery in the Northern States was an work; from 11 to 12 hours are reckoned three-quarters of a easy task, involving no risk of peace, and but slight day's work; and eight hours make half a day's work." loss of property, as the number of slaves in those

States was not considerable. The Southern States which was about to be let loose on the world, at a are differently situated. They hold 2 millions of time when all writings, all thoughts, all actions Slaves, valued at twelve hundred millions of dol- seemed to have but one end, the extirpation of abulars. The emancipation of these slaves would not ses, the propagation of virtue, the relief of the only involve great pecuniary sacrifices, but cause people, the establishment of freedom? It is thus commotion and bloodshed. When increased den- that the most terrible convulsions are ushered into sity of population shall have lowered wages, when the world; the night is serene, the sunset fair, the slaves become more improved and better quali- which precedes the fury of the tornado." fied to enjoy freedom, when they have gradually Nations, like individuals, are prone to strive after emigrated to a warmer and more congenial part of unattainable blessings, and by flattering this prothis continent, emancipation may, and probably will pensity of the human heart, the ambitious and unensue. In the mean time, it will become the citizens of the non-slave-holding States to abstain from agitating the immediate abolition of slavery. The continued discussion of this subject will tend to diminish the privileges now allowed to the slaves, besides endangering the friendly relations of the several States.

principled have often succeeded in raising storms which they subsequently endeavored in vain to arrest or control. Few were louder advocates of liberty and equality than Robespierre. If we judge him by his words, he appears to have been a patriot, but when judged by the unerring test of actions, the blood-thirsty tyrant stands out in bold relief. The History of the French Revolution demonstrates the power which an inconsiderable number of men

So far, the war waged against the institutions of the South has been one of denunciation. Were the abolitionists to excite and conduct a crusade may acquire when acting in concert and fired by against the Southern States, it might be a bloody enthusiasm. Such a body will accomplish less by persecution, although not the first undertaken by argument and address than by intimidation. The men professing great devotion and philanthropy. larger portion of the agitators who brought on the Godfrey of Bouillon and the Christian warriors Revolution were destitute of property, and bence murdered forty thousand unresisting citizens at the more inclined to become reckless. The great mass storming of Jerusalem. Throwing aside their arms of the Parisian population had wives, children and still streaming with blood, and wading ankle deep shops, and were friendly to gradual and moderate in human gore, they went with naked feet and un-reform, but they permitted themselves to be overcovered heads to the Holy Sepulchre, and there of- awed and overruled by the fanatical advocates of fered their thanks to Heaven, and sung anthems in innovation. The agitators gained strength and inpraise of the Saviour of the World. In Spain, fluence from the apathy, the neutrality and timidity during the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, 10.000 of the masses. Let such of the people of the free persons were burned alive by the orders of the In-States as condemn the course of the abolitionists, quisition, and 100,000 others subjected to gross profit by the lesson which those memorable times indignities and unmerited punishment. Fifty thousand persons were destroyed in France at the massacre of St. Bartholomew. At a later period, when religion was contemned and ridiculed, liberty extolled, and human reason deified, more than a million of persons fell victims to the fury of the French Revolution. At different epochs, nations have laid aside their reason and conscience, turned away with scorn and contempt from the salutary lessons of experience, and surrendered themselves to the sway of unbridled passions. With nations, as with individuals, one deviation from rectitude prepares the mind and heart for other sins and enormities. The propensities of our nature are not easily restrained when once indulged, and hence the danger of yielding too readily to the spirit of innova- trines, which, if made very prevalent throughout tion. Kings have their courtiers, and the sover-the free States, will render the Union "a rope of eign people have theirs. Demagogues, fanatics, mil-sand" and involve the country in civil war and its itary chieftains,-in short, all who intend mischief concomitant evils. The times require the developand misrule, profess to be governed by none other ment and exercise of that latent patriotism, which than the most liberal and philanthropic views. It yet abides and abounds in the great majority of was under the garb of philanthropy that the spirit of Northern hearts. innovation became the exciting cause of the French Perhaps the abolitionists are incapable of being Revolution. 66 Who," said Segur, "could have influenced by any argument which can be addressed anticipated the terrible flood of passions and crimes to their understandings, or any appeal which may

inculcate. Let all who are opposed to interference with the institutions of the South remember, that opinions, when zealously propagated, tend to diffusion, and that it is more easy to counteract dangerous doctrines when first promulgated, than to overthrow them when they have once obtained the ascendancy. Great is the responsibility which now rests upon the majority of the people inhabiting the free States. Let them remember that the abolitionists have increased to a number not to be disregarded, and acquired a power not to be despised, and that it is the duty of all northern patriots no longer to submit in silence, nor indulge in neutrality, nor yield to sluggishness, but to arouse themselves and counteract the dissemination of doc

be made to their love of country. Heretofore they change a reform. With such persons, theory is have treated with contempt and ridicule, all the every thing, and experience of no earthly utility, admonitions and all the reasoning urged by the except as a fit topic for the ridicule of the young, Southern people, whose interests, the abolitionists and the conversation of the aged. Some of these assert, have warped their judgment and obscured reformers think it just as easy to make a new Contheir perceptions. Such objections can not be urged stitution which will fit the body politic, as it is for to weaken the force of any views of this subject, the tailor to make a new coat to fit a dandy and which may be presented to the abolitionists by the in some instances, there is not a very wide disother citizens of the free States. Awakening from parity between the lasting of the coat and the Contheir lethargy, and animated by a true loyalty to stitution. When evils of magnitude really do exist, their country, let them undertake and vigorously they should be remedied, if practicable, and while prosecute the great and noble work of disabusing Constitutions should not be idolized, they should the minds of their Northern fellow-citizens. Let not be altered, until the experience and the calm them enlighten the abolitionists, in respect to their and deliberate judgment of the people recommend constitutional obligations, the character and extent such a course. Bad institutions are not worse than of the powers confided to the Federal Government, the reserved rights of the States, and the disastrous consequences which must result from any interference with the rights of Southern property. Let these things be done faithfully and perseveringly, and the clouds which are beginning to darken our political horizon will disperse, confidence will be invigorated, harmony will be restored, and the bonds of the Union greatly strengthened.

perpetual fluctuations; they unhinge the public mind, and create disorder throughout the great fabric of society. There is no unmixed good in human institutions, and we often find it better to "bear those ills we have, than fly to others that we know not of."

Existing institutions have the advantage of being tried; and being known, they can be justly appreciated. As to new ones, we are left to conjecture, and can not tell, with certainty, whether their effects will be beneficial or otherwise. Our hopes may be realized, or they may be doomed to disappointment.

All the great and beneficial changes made by
Nature, are slowly developed; sudden changes are
almost invariably succeeded by violent and injurious
shocks. It is doubtless the will of Providence,
that nations should advance in civilization and hap-
piness, and that the power of the people should
angment as society improves; but all changes des-
tined to be salutary or permament, must be gradual
and made with due circumspection. The people
of different nations have often suffered from the
unchastened ambition of their rulers, but here where
the popular will is so predominant, there is occa-
sionally danger that the people will do mischief by
giving too much latitude and indulgence to their
own passions. The people do not always think
correctly and act wisely. Like individuals, the
masses are liable to be influenced and misled by
error, fanaticism, sudden impulse, or love of power.
So sensible of this were the Athenians, so much of themselves to an exclusive passion, they risk
did they distrust themselves, that they punished the
individual who proposed any thing against the estab-
lished and fundamental law. Unnecessary as this
precaution appears, it was probably productive of
some good. There is great virtue in stability: it
is an ornament of individual character, and can
never bring dishonor upon a nation. The opposite
quality has long been deemed the opprobrium of of M. De Tocqueville's remark? or, acting more
republican government.
The desire of change wisely, will they heed the warning long since con-
sometimes degenerates into a feverish passion. veyed to them by Addison in a few lines of his
Conventions have been called, and Constitutions Cato?

66 'Facilis descensus averni :
Noctes atque dies patet atri janua Ditis;
Sed revocare gradum, superasque evadere ad auras,
Hoc opus, hic labor est."

M. De Tocqueville, in his work on American Democracy, expresses the opinion, that, during democratic ages, the ruling passion of men is the love of the equality of conditions. The history of our country furnishes many facts which tend to sustain his position. "Democratic nations, (says this philosophical writer,) are at all times fond of equality, but there are certain epochs at which the passion they entertain for it, swells to the height of fury. Tell them not, that by this blind surrender

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and the latest fashion. Many act, as though they knew, beyond all controversy or doubt, that innova

their dearest interests: they are deaf. Show them not freedom escaping from their grasp, while they are looking another way: they are blind-or, rather, they can discern but one sole object to be desired in the universe." Are the people of Massachusetts willing, in their pursuit of this equality of condition, to exhibit to the world an illustration of the truth

"Let not a torrent of impetuous zeal

Transport thee thus beyond the bounds of reason;
True fortitude is seen in great exploits
That justice warrants, and that wisdom guides;
All else is towering frenzy and distraction."

The time was when a noble patriotism animated

tion and improvement are synonymous, and every the statesmen and controlled the councils of Mas

VOL. XI-59

Boston advanced with giant strides in population, wealth and refinement, but the territory of the State has become dotted over with beautiful towns and villages. From time to time, the ear is saluted by the cheering hum issuing from the numerous factories of an industrious and thrifty population, and the eye of the traveller beholds with delight the many glistening steeples which devotion and gratitude have reared to the glory and honor of Omnipotence. Owing to increased opulence, countless schools have been opened, many colleges have been founded and education thereby diffused. Homely dwellings have been superseded by gorgeous palaces, and the unostentatious dress of the pilgrim fathers has been exchanged for attire befitting the nobles of Venice when at the height of her renown. Rocky fields have been converted into enchanting gardens, perfumed by costly exotics, obtained through the instrumentality of a commerce varied in character, and profuse in its returns. If satiated with the pomp and disgusted with the vanities of the world, Massachusetts can easily renounce them, and resume the simple habits of the puritans, without withdrawing from the confederacy, abolishing slavery, or the slave representation.

sachusetts. During the Revolution, her gallant | work, at the suggestion of Utopian projectors, as sons won imperishable honors, and the citizens of impervious to reason as they are deaf to the lessons that State may, with exultation and pride, contem- of experience? Have those of her citizens, who plate the glories of Lexington and Bunker Hill. have presented the issue of the abolition of slavery or Prior to the Revolution, during its continuance, and the dissolution of the Union,* soberly considered the for a time subsequent to the establishment of the evils which, in all human probability, would result Federal Government, Massachusetts exhibited a from a dissolution of the confederacy? Let them spirit deserving commendation and worthy of re- remember the advantages which Massachusetts bas membrance, but on sundry occasions since, her con- reaped and is still reaping from the Union. In duct, in reference to her federal relations, has sub-comparing the present condition of that commonjected her to animadversion alike just and severe. wealth with what it was sixty years ago, how can She has no cause to exaggerate the influence of they fail to be struck with the contrast? Not only has the slave representation, or to complain of the action of the General Government. The navigation laws, passed by Congress, have fostered her shipping, and her ships, freighted with the varied products of her factories, now traverse every sea and are found in every clime. Her fisheries have been protected by bounties, and her diversified manufactures have been cherished by a system of legislation, regarded by several other States as prejudicial to their interests, however beneficial to those of Massachusetts. Besides seeing two of her sons elevated to the highest honor known in this Republic, she has seen several others sent abroad on the most important foreign missions, and others presiding in the cabinet, or occupying seats on the bench of the highest judicial tribunal. Encouraged in all her industrial pursuits, participating largely in the distribution of official station and political honors, why should she complain of Southern institutions, and attempt to get up a crusade which would inevitably terminate in the extirpation of one or the other portion of the Southern population? Prosperity may have so intoxicated her, as to have impaired those fraternal feelings towards the other States which she evinced during the memorable period of the Revolution, but we trust that the comprehensive patriotism and enlightened public spirit which distinguished her in 1787, have not departed forever from her bosom. Let not Massachusetts deceive herself. The treacherous plaudits of English abolitionists, superadded to the huzzas of fanatics * At the last session of Congress, John Quincey Adams at home, can not impart to her a satisfaction more presented a memorial, signed by William Garrison, Edmund exquisite and enduring than that which she can de-Quincey, George Adams and many others, who say, that rive from the consciousness of having fully and fairly complied with her obligations as a member of this Union. A patriotic and virtuous people will not exchange the solid satisfaction arising from the faithful performance of duty, for the evanescent pleasure of mere human applause.

Are a majority of the people of Massachusetts disposed to disregard the opinions, to renounce the principles of their fathers, and immolate their great

In 1840, Massachusetts had a capital of eleven millions, seven hundred thousand dollars, invested in the fishe

Massachusetts has long enjoyed a large share of the carrying trade. While the home market af forded by nearly twenty millions of people has been open to the productions of her factories. A dis

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'deeming slave-holding a heinous sin, and convinced that slavery ought to be immediately and forever abolished, they look upon the Constitution of the United States as enjoining obligations and duties which are incompatible with allegiance to God, and with the enjoyment of freedom and of equal rights.

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*

"In view of these facts, your memorialists, disclaiming cutizenship, and repudiating the present Constitution as a 'corenant with death and an agreement with hell,' ask you to take immediate measures, by a National Convention, or otherwise, for dissolving the Union of these States."

+ In 1810 Massachusetts owned nearly one sixth part of the capital invested in manufactures in this country, and no ries; and the whole amount of capital invested in like man-State, (except New-York,) had so large an amount this ner by all the other States, was four million, seven hundred employed. The manufacture of woollen goods in the United States in 1840 amounted to $20,969,999, of which Massa

thousand dollars.

solution of the Union would diminish the tonage of Massachusetts, greatly impair her commerce and deprive her manufacturers of that extended home market which they now possess. The manufactured articles of that State, would then be subjected in the Southern ports to the same or higher duties than would be imposed upon similar articles of European industry. She would encounter competition with that foreign "pauper labor," which Massachusetts is too sagacious not to dread, and against which her representatives have often implored Congress to save and protect the citizens of that commonwealth. In addition to these things, Massachusetts can not be ignorant that the spirit of aggression is often emboldened by the weakness of an adversary; that the chances of war from commercial jealousy and rivalry would be augmented, as well as from the mutual crimination and recrimination of the several States, who would separate in a temper quite unfriendly to the harmonious adjustment of conflicting demands.

While pondering on a subject so momentous as that of the separation of these States, let the abolitionists glance over this vast empire, and think for a moment of the power and grandeur which it has attained under the operation of the present Government. The world has never exhibited so magnificent a spectacle of human happiness, industry and progress. Improvements in the arts and sciences have corresponded with the rapid augmentation of wealth and population. Agriculture has been greatly extended; commerce and manufactures have been nurtured and developed; cities have sprung into existence; canals and railways have been constructed; and liberty, peace, religious toleration and general happiness have prevailed.

Why, by dissolving the Union, terminate a connexion which exhibits results so gratifying, prospects so brilliant and so encouraging? Far, far better will it be for us all to heed the warning voice of that illustrious patriot and sage, who, in his Farewell Address, exhorted his countrymen to "cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to the Union; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest."

Virginia.

R. T. H.

chusetts made $7,082,000 or over one third. During the same year the manufactures of cotton goods were valued at $46,350,450, of which the cottons manufactured by Massachusetts were valued at $16,553,400. The domestic exports of cotton fabrics from the United States for that year were about three millions. If all the cotton goods now exported from the United States were furnished by Massachusetts alone, she would still have a surplus of 12 or 13 millions to dispose of in the home market.

POEMS.

BY H. P. VASS, DECEASED.
A FRAGMENT.

Alone upon the banks of that dark sea,
Whose billows raged on Pharaoh's impious band,
Again the traveller wandered wearily,

Far from his home and from his native land: With anxious step he paced the lonely shore, And marked with dread the gathering tempest nigh, While the dark billows' resounding roar

Oft mingled with the sea-bird's piercing cry. While thus his bosom throbb'd with rising fears, Far ar on the wave a shattered bark appears, Near and more near the stranger vessel drew, And lo! upon its deck a phantom form, Which seemed the spirit of the howling storm. His raven locks were floating in the blast, And ever and anon his look was cast Upon the dark'ning sky-nor seemed to fear, For well he knew his destined haven near! Where the frail bark approached a courser stood, Whose flowing mane swept down and kissed the flood; Oft with impatient stamp he beat the shore,

66

And seemed to scorn the wild waves' dashing roar.
"Ah!" cried the traveller, "full well I know
That demon form, that dark and vengeful brow!
Didst thou not tell me, Spirit! thou wouldst slay
Three thousand only on that dreadful day,
When last I met thee far beyond the main?
And lo! ten times the number strew the plain !"
My words were true," the ghastly fiend replied.
"I slew them not-from craven fear they died."
The spectre ceased, while louder grew the storm,
And the quick lightnings glimmered thro' his form,
The giant waves now rear'd their heads on high,
And seem'd to mock th' artillery of the sky;
Loud roared the winds-and lo! a driving cloud
Wrapp'd the fell demon in its sable shroud;
The pilgrim looked around the plain,
But horse or rider never saw again.

TO CELESTE.

Oh! never yet was mortal blest
With heav'nly charms like fair Celeste-
When like a fairy on the green,
She glides along the sylvan scene,
With step so graceful and so light,
That mortals ravished with the sight,
Think her some spirit from above-
Some wanderer from the realms of love,
Who left her own bright native sphere
To shine with peerless lustre here!
The rose bends not more gracefully,
When summer winds pass gently by
And waft its fragrance on the gale,
That sighs along the peaceful vale.
And in her soft expressive eyes,
Bright as her own loved summer skies,
The power of sweet enchantment lies.
Why should she speak, whose looks express
So much of grace and loveliness,
Whose every glance and action seems
Bright as the Poet's rapturous dreams?
Sure Nature language never meant,
When silence is so eloquent.

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