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down, not to get up. One big corpulent mulatto got within twenty yards before he lay down. Our boys held the fort and the colored gents never tried any further attempt.

As the winter months passed off, our auties became more exacting, until Gen. Lee was compelled to abandon his lines around Richmond and Petersburgh during the last days of March and first of April, '65. Then came the inevitable, dreadful marching; some fighting; no rest, but little sleep, and empty haversacks, harrassed on every side by hosts of Federal soldiers. At Appomattox Court House, on the ninth of April, 65, we were surrendered by Gen.

Lee.

His command for duty did not exceed 30,000. On the 12th of April, '65, we passed through the ordeal "like the burial of Sir John Moore."

We were at this place from the 9th until the 12th before our paroles were ready, but hunger called for rations. It was here that I scraped off the rough bark of sassafras bushes and eat the inner bark.

These chapters of the six Langley brothers have been written from our recollections, without a diary, and doubtless there are some errors as to dates and misconnections in places and changes. But after a lapse of fortyeight years, allowance will be in order for mistakes.

In July, '64, our father died, leaving our mother and two little boys, twelve and fourteen years of age, of which we will say more in the conclusion. The Langley brothers all returned home in May, '65, except James M. Langley, who at Camp Douglas, was later getting home. David A. Langley, the oldest, was doubtless the bravest of the six. He sometimes exposed himself un

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It will not be amiss to state here that neither one of the Langley brothers have applied for a pension, or is likely to do so. We have another brother, the seventh Confederate, Thomas J. Langley. When father died, in '64, he was only fourteen years old. He, with a little darkey 12 years old, looked after the home, obeying the injunctions of our old and feeble mother, by plowing and working the fields, attending the stock; thus he provided for our mother when there was no one else at home to fill his place. A soldier indeed, not to shed blood, but the sweat of his face. Of the soldier boys, none were ever arrested or absent from their commands without permission, and are now living within ten miles of the old homestead. E. B. LANGLEY.

€ EDITORIAL COMMENT €

The Progressive Democrats and the Old Pops.

I

N the old days of the People's Party, there were a great many who were utterly ignorant of the platform on which that party stood, on which they hoped to be elected, and on which they were defeated.

In a system where the people rule, the people succeed to the power of the king; and that attribute of sovereignty which the king exercised and did not delegate should be exercised by the people and should not be delegated.

In these days of "stand-pat Democrats," and "Insurgent Republicans," there are attempts at the formation of a third party which has already begun to show signs of formulating a platform which appears strangely familiar to the old "Pops."

Therefore the Populists, successors to the old Greenbackers, always clung to it as an article of faith that the Federal Government should exercise its constitutional right to create a currency and should not delegate that power to national banks, private citizens or corporations.

In the old days we did not at tempt the impossible, nor seek the unattainable.

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The government should supply the country with a sufficient amount of national money, every dollar of which should be equal to any other; every dollar of which should be a full legal tender for all claims, public and private, and no dollar of which should be made redeemable by any other dollar.

We believed that those things which are essentially public in their nature and their use should belong to the public, and should be equally enjoyed by all.

Just as the navigable rivers are public to the beggar and the millionaire alike, just as the Bay and the Gulf and the Harbor and the navigable Lakes are the common property of the rich and the poor, the high and the low, the black and the white, so we believed that the roads should be common ground

upon which every citizen should be free to pass upon terms of equality, and that the iron highways of today, which were taken from the people by the exercise of the right of Eminent Domain, a fair compensation having been paid, and the property operated for the benefit of the people.

So with the Telegraph, the Telephone and the Express companies.

In every city and town we believed that the municipality, which is a part of the State's sovereignty, should take over to itself those public utilities which in their very nature are monopolies, and, just compensation having been paid, that these utilities should be used for the benefit of the people, to whom they belong.

We believed that the government should be supported by a system of taxation in which each citizen will pay taxes in proportion to his proportion to his ability to pay.

We believed in a Tax on the Franchises enjoyed by private corporations.

We believed that the Income Tax would be the fairest of all taxes, because it would take for the support of the government, not the property of the citizen, but a portion of the income which the citizen derives from that property, or from his individual exertions, and the tax would be proportioned to the in

come.

That property or that salary could not be enjoyed without the protection and the advantages which flow from government, and it is eminently fair, where the government has protected me, or where it affords me such opportunities, that I can receive a large income from any source whatever, I should pay

the government, in return for its protection and its advantages, a fair share of that which I could not have without that protection and those advantages.

Under our present system a man like John D. Rockefeller pays no more tariff tax when he buys a hat, than a doctor, lawyer, or preacher pays when he buys a hat. So with the shoes, the clothes, the crockery on the table, the furniture in the house. Many a citizen whose income does not amount to ten thousand dollars a year, pays fully as much Tariff tax in the purchasing of necessary articles of clothing, furniture and food as John D. Rockefeller pays, whose income is counted monthly by the millions of dollars.

The same thing is true of Carnegie, Morgan, Hill, Gould, Vanderbilt. Many a farmer whose income from his farm may not do more than give his family an actual support, after the operating expenses are paid, contributes annually a greater sum in Tariff tax to the Federal Government than is paid by the fabulously wealthy beneficiaries of class legislation.

It has been said that the People's Party dodged the Tariff issue. This was not true.

One of our earliest platforms, which has been repeatedly reindorsed, declares:

"We demand the removal of the Tariff Tax from the necessaries of life which the poor must have to live."

This is precisely the principle announced by Thomas Jefferson, who declared that the taxes should be so laid that the luxuries of life would bear the burden of the government, and that his ideal was a system in

which the poor would be entirely relieved from the crushing weight of taxation.

await the pleasure of congress. They should not be kept in ignorance of what the law is until legis

Furthermore, we said that legislative acts become known through lation should not be so framed as to the newspapers. There should be build up one business at the expense in every case the right to initiate of another. those laws which they want, and to veto, through the Referendum, any law which they do not like.

If the People's Party platform had been enacted into law, there could be no such thing as a Trust in the United States.

In order that the people should become the victims of such tyranny as that exercised by the Trusts, two things are necessary: Foreign relief must be made impossible, and domestic relief made impracticable.

The Tariff wall keeps the foreigner from interfering; the railroads and the national banks supporting the trusts make it impossible for domestic satisfaction to assert itself effectively.

are

If the people should put upon the free list those articles which made the subject of the Trusts, the foreigner could at once invade the market, and destroy the monopoly upon which the Trust is based.

If the Populist principles of finance and of transportation had been carried into effect, the Government abolishing national banks and private ownership of transportation lines, the rebate would be impossible, discriminations would cease, equality would prevail, and there would be no collusion between the national banks and the railroads, by which Trusts are made invincible, as they are now invincible.

We believed in direct legislation -putting the power of making laws and choosing rulers back into the hands of those to whom it belongsand the election of all officers by the people.

The people should not be made to

When an officer whom they have elected shows by any vote or act that he is not the man they took him to be, they should not have to wait till the expiration of his term to get a better man. They should have the right to recall the officer the moment he betrays his trust.

We believed in the eight-hour day for labor in Government works, in factories, workshops and mines.

We believed in the regulation of child labor in factories, worshops and mines, to the end that children. of tender age shall not be made to slave out their lives in order that corporations shall have cheap labor and large dividends.

Saturn, the old fable tells us, devoured his own children: Christian civilization does the same thing.

As long as we permit children of ten and twelve years to labor from eight to fourteen hours per day in our mills and worshops, modern civilization is another Saturn. We are devouring our own children.

We believed that the land, the common heritage of all the people, should not be monopolized for speculative purposes, or by alien ownership, but that legislation should be so shaped as to encourage to its full extent the right of every man born into this world to till the soil and make a living out of it.

And one of the principal reasons why we favored a graduated income tax, which increases by geometrical

progression as the income increases, is that it automatically keeps the wealth of the country in a constant sort of redistribution, and acts as a check upon that excessive accumulation which is recognized by all intelligent thinkers as one of the most serious perils and intolerable evils of our present era of class legislation.

Party Paper, in Atlanta, Ga., in 1891 (which paper lived and toiled for these principles until the fusion movement of 1896 killed it, as it killed twelve hundred other Populist papers), I announced the same purpose which I announced in the prospectus of my New York maga

These were the most important articles of our faith. It was for these principles that we struggled since 1891-with never a doubt that they were sound, that they would constantly gain converts, that they would ultimately win.

When I founded The People's other name.

L

ET seasons come and go, let the sunlight and shadows fall where God's pleasure put them -do your duty as conscience and reason reveal to you. Let no other man measure your work or your responsibilities; let no artful sophistry, in favor of the expedient, veil from your steadfast eyes the summit of Right. Let parties rise and fall; let time-servers flop and flounder; let the heedless praise of the hour lay its withering garlands at the feet of him who will purchase them by bending to every passing breeze, every popular whim, every local prejudice.

zine.

The reforms will be effected because the country needs them. It cannot stand much more of the present system. It will not accept Socialism. Occupying the middle ground of radical, but practical reform, Populism is inevitable, though it may come into effect under some

The Highest Office

Do thou look higher if joy and strength and peace and pride are to be thine. In this brief life (hardly worth the living) know this one thing: that a man's honor should be just as dear to him as a woman's

virtue is to her. Did not the Roman girls go gladly to the lions, to the bloody death in the arena, rather than to recant their Christian faith, or to accept a lawless lover? Did few not the Armenian women, a years ago, leap to death over the precipice rather than to apostatize or to be violated? And shall a man be less heroic than a woman? Is there nothing within us that cannot be bought? Is there no Holy of Holies of conviction and principle, into which the corruptor shall not enter? Is there nothing that we hold sacred as the citadel of proud, fearless, upright manhood?

Once upon a time a barbarous peasant worked his way upward and onward, until he wore the imperial Purple of Rome; and he said: "I have gained all the honors, and none of them have any value." Did not Cæsar, himself, grow sick at

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