excited the Eastern Indians to renew their depredations. In these hostilities the tribes of New Hampshire were induced also to join. Those tribes had neither forgotten nor forgiven the treachery of Waldron, at the conclusion of Philip's war, thirteen years before. Two Indian women, apparently friendly, sought and obtained a night's lodging at Waldron's garrison or fortified house at Dover. They rose at midnight, opened the doors, and admitted a party lying in wait for the purpose. Waldron, an old man of eighty, after a stout resistance, was made prisoner. Placed by his captors in an elbow-chair at the head of a table in the hall, he was taunted with the exclamation, 'Judge Indians now!' after which he was put to death with tortures. Twenty others were killed. Twenty-nine were carried off as prisoners. The village was burned. The fort at Pemaquid, the extreme eastern frontier, was soon after attacked by a party of Penobscots, resident in the neighborhood, instigated by the Jesuit Thury, who lived among them as a missionary. The garrison, obliged to surrender, was dismissed by the Indians, but the fort, which Andros had built, was destroyed. An attack upon Casco was repulsed by Churth, the famous partisan of Philip's war, sent from Massachusetts with two hundred and fifty men. But all the settlements further east were ravaged and broken up. In hopes to engage the formidable Mohawks as auxiliaries against these eastern tribes, commissioners from Boston proceeded to Albany, then held by the members of the New York council opposed to Leisler. In a conference had there with some chiefs of the Five Nations, they expressed their determination to continue the war against Canada, but they could not be prevailed upon to lift the hatchet against their Indian brethren of the East.

Reduced to extreme distress by the late successful inroads of the Iroquois, Canada had just received relief by the arrival from France of Count Frontenac, re-commissioned as governor, and bringing with him such of the Indian prisoners sent to France as had survived the galleys, troops, supplies, and a scheme for the conquest and occupation of New York. As a part of this scheme, the Chevalier de la Coffiniere, who had accompanied Frontenac to the mouth of the St. Lawrence, proceeded to cruise off the coast of New England, making many prizes, and designing to attack New York by sea, while Frontenac

assailed it on the land side. Frontenac, though sixty-eight years of age, had all the buoyancy and vigor of youth. He was a man of great energy and determination, and his former administration of the colony made him aware of the measures which the exigency demanded. The Iroquois had already retired from Montreal, and preparations were immediately made for relieving Fort Frontenac. These preparations, however, were too late, for the garrison had already set fire to the fort, and retired down the river. Means were still found, however, to keep up the communication with Mackinaw. Not able to prosecute this scheme of conquest, Frontenac presently detached three war-parties, to visit on the English frontier those same miseries which Canada had so recently experienced at the hands of the Five Nations.

In the course of the last twenty years, a number of converted Mohawks, induced to retire from among their heathen brethren, had established themselves at the rapids of St. Louis, in a village known also as Cagnawaga, on the south bank of the St. Lawrence, nearly opposite Montreal. It was chiefly these converted Mohawks, well acquainted with the settlements about Albany, who composed, with a number of Frenchmen, the first of Frontenac's war parties, amounting in the whole to a hundred and ten persons. Guided by the watercourses, whose frozen surface furnished them a path, they traversed a wooded wilderness covered with deep snows. (Jan. 1690,) Pressing stealthily forward in a single file, the foremost wore snow-shoes, and so beat a track for the rest. At night the snow was thrown up toward the side whence the wind came, and in the hollow thus scooped out the party slept on branches of pine, round a fire in the midst. A little parched corn served them for provisions, eked out by such game as they killed. After a twenty-two days' march, intent on their bloody purpose, they approached Schenectady, the object of their toil. This was a Dutch village on the Mohawk, then the outpost of the settlements about Albany. The cluster of some forty houses was protected by a palisade, but the gates were open and unguarded, and at midnight the inhabitants slept profoundly. The assailants entered in silence, divided themselves into several parties, and, giving the signal by the terrible war-whoop, commenced the attack, Shrieks of women and children answered. Doors were broken

open; houses set on fire; blood flowed. Sixty were slain on the spot; twenty-seven were taken prisoners; the rest fled, half naked, along the road to Albany through a driving snow-storm, a deep snow, and cold so bitter that many lost their limbs by frost. The assailants set off for Canada with their prisoners and their plunder, and effected their escape, though not without serious loss inflicted by some Mohawk warriors, who hastened to pursue them. The terror inspired by this attack was so great, that, for the sake of aid and support, the malcontents who held Albany, submitted to the hated Leisler. But nothing could prevail on that rash and passionate chief to use his authority with moderation. He confiscated the property of his principal opponents. Bayard and Nichols were held in confinement; and for the arrest of Livingston, warrants were sent to Boston and Hartford, whither he had fled for safety.

Frontenac's second war party, composed of only fifty-two persons, departing from Three Rivers, a village half way from Montreal to Quebec, ascended the St. Francis, entered the valley of the Upper Connecticut, and thence made their way across the mountains and forests of New Hampshire. Presently they descended on Salmon Falls, a frontier village on the chief branch of the Piscataqua. (March 27, 1690.) They attacked it by surprise, killed most of the male inhabitants, plundered and burned the houses, and carried off fifty-four prisoners, chiefly women and children, whom they drove before them, laden with the spoils. While thus returning, they fell in with the third war-party from Quebec, and, joining forces, proceeded to attack Casco. A part of the garrison was lured into an ambuscade and destroyed. The rest, seeing their palisades about to be set on fire, surrendered on terms as prisoners of war. (May.)

Such was the new and frightful sort of warfare to which the English colonists were exposed. The savage ferocity of the Indians, guided by the sagacity and civilized skill and enterprise of French officers, became ten times more terrible. The influence which the French missionaries had acquired by persevering self-sacrifice and the highest efforts of Christian devotedness was now availed of, as too often happens, by mere worldly policy, to stimulate their converts to hostile inroads and midnight murders. Religious zeal sharpened the edge

of savage hate. The English were held up to the Indians not merely as enemies, but as heretics, upon whom it was a Christian duty to make war. If the chaplet of victory were missed, at least the crown of martyrdom was sure.

These cruel Indian inroads seemed to the sufferers abundant confirmation of the tales of the Huguenots scattered through the colonies as the bloody and implacable spirit of the Catholic faith. These religious refugees were so numerous in Boston and New York, as to have in each of those towns a church of their own. Hatred of popery received a new impetus. It is hardly to be wondered at that the few Catholics of Maryland, though their fathers had been the founders of that colony, were disfranchised, and subjected to all the disabilities by which, in Britain and Ireland, the suppression of Catholicism was vainly attempted. Probably also to this period we may refer the act of Rhode Island, of unknown date, which excluded Catholics from becoming freemen of that colony.

CHAPTER XXVI.

The Queen Ann's, or "Second Intercolonial War" between "Sam" and the Order of Jesuits-The Order not quite ready for formidable operations in the South-Retrospective glance at acts and influences of the Catholic Priesthood in Mexico from the Conquest-Evidence of Clavigero the Catholic Historian of Mexico-The monstrous destruction of the archives of Historical Pictures in Yucatan by an "Ecclesiastic"-Destruction of the most precious Arts, which was common throughout Mexico.

THE last chapter may be well considered as settling the question of the participation and predominating influence of the Jesuit missionaries in the first intercolonial war, and as against the sorely beleaguered Protestant colonies of the north. As yet, their schemes of southern acquisition and supremacy in the South had not been consummated-their cordon of "Reductions" not sufficiently completed to make their active demonstrations in that quarter so formidable, as to render more detail on our own part necessary. The purpose of this history being rather to render clear the historical relations of "Sam" to his internal foes, than to enter systematically into more than the outline of others, which Ilustrate rather the minuter phases of his own huge development, and his relations to avowed and outward enemies. It now becomes necessary that we should look somewhat to those Jesuit antecedents which led immediately to the next even more extended and exterminating war - the Queen Ann's, or "Second Intercolonial war"-between "Sam" and his desperate foe-the Order of Jesus!

The moment the Jesuits found themselves comparatively secure of their foothold in Acadia, which might form for