Five American Politicians: A Study in the Evolution of American Politics. I. Aaron Burr, Father of the Political Machine. II. De Witt Clinton, Father of the Spoils System. III. Martin Van Buren, Nationalizer of the Machine. V [sic] Henry Clay, Master and Victim of Compromise and Coalition. VI [sic] Stephen A. Douglas, Defender of State's Rights and of NationalismBurrows Bros. Company, 1906 - 447 頁 |
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Aaron Burr action Adams ambition American anti-slavery appointed ballot became believed bill brilliant Buchanan Bucktails Burr's Calhoun called campaign candidate caucus citizens Clay's Clinton Clintonians committee compromise compromise of 1850 congress constitution contest convention convictions Council Council of Appointment Court debate defeat Democracy Democratic didate Douglas Douglas's Dred Scott election electoral enemies favor federal Federalists free-state friends governor Hamilton Henry Clay honor issue Jackson Jefferson John Quincy Adams Kansas land leader Lecompton Lecompton constitution legislature letter liberty Lincoln majority Martin Van Buren ment Missouri Missouri compromise never nomination northern organized party patriotism peace political politician popular sovereignty President presidential principle pro-slavery question reëlected Republican rival senate sentiment slave slavery southern speech spoils system statesman stitution struggle Supreme talents Tammany tariff territory tion Union United United States senate vote Washington Webster Whigs York
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第 378 頁 - We shall lie down pleasantly dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their state free, and we shall awake to the reality instead that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a slave state.
第 386 頁 - I hold that, notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence — the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man.
第 431 頁 - That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom; that, as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that "no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law...
第 378 頁 - Put this and that together, and we have another nice little niche, which we may, ere long, see filled with another Supreme Court decision declaring that the Constitution of the United States does not permit a State to exclude slavery from its limits. And this may especially be expected if the doctrine of "care not whether slavery be voted down or voted up" shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give promise that such a decision can be maintained when made.
第 397 頁 - I do not believe it is a Constitutional right to hold slaves in a Territory of the United States. I believe the decision was improperly made and I go for reversing it.
第 440 頁 - But this is no time for a detail of causes. The conspiracy is now known. Armies have been raised, war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two sides to the question. Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this war; only patriots — or traitors.
第 389 頁 - It is the eternal struggle between these two principles, right and wrong, throughout the world. They are the two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time, and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity, and the other the divine right of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops itself. It is the same spirit that says, ' You work and toil and earn bread, and I'll eat it.
第 377 頁 - Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.
第 335 頁 - March sixth, eighteen hundred and twenty, which, being inconsistent with the principle of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the states and territories, as recognized by the legislation of eighteen hundred and fifty, commonly called the compromise measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void ; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and...
第 392 頁 - AngloSaxon white men, were entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, their posterity might look up again to the Declaration of Independence and take courage to renew the battle which their fathers began...