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CONCLUSION OF A CELEBRATED SPEECH OF MR. PITT, IN 1770, IN SUPPORT OF A MOTION MADE IN PARLIAMENT, TO REQUEST THE KING TO LAY BEFORE THAT BODY ALL THE PAPERS, RELATIVE ΤΟ CERTAIN DEPREDATIONS OF THE SPANIARDS, AND LIKEWISE, TO A TREATY WHICH HE WAS THEN NEGOCIATING WITH SPAIN.

I

MY LORDS,

HAVE taken a wide circuit, and trespassed, I fear, too long upon your patience. Yet I cannot conclude without endeavouring to bring home your thoughts to an object more immediately interesting to us, than any I have yet considered: I mean the internal condition of this country. We may look abroad for wealth, or triumphs, or luxury; but England, my lords, is the main stay, the last resort of the whole empire. To this point, every scheme of policy, whether foreign or domestic, should ultimately refer.

Have any measures been taken to satisfy, or to unite the people? Are the grievances they have so long complained of removed? or do they stand not only unredressed, but aggravated? Is the right of free election restored to the elective body? My Lords, I myself am one of the people. I esteem that security and independence, which is the original birthright of an Englishman, far beyond the privileges, however splendid, which are annexed to the peerage. I myself am by birth an English elector, and join with the freeholders of England as in a common Believe me, my Lords, we mistake our real interest as much as our duty, when we separate ourselves from he mass of the people.

cause.

Can it be expected that Englishmen will unite heartin defence of a government, by which they feel themelves insulted and oppressed? Restore them to their

rights;

rights; that is the true way to make them unanimous.
It is not a ceremonious recommendation from the throne,
that can bring back peace and harmony to a discontent-
ed people. That insipid annual opiate has been ad-
ministered so long, that it has lost its effect.
thing substantial, something effectual must be done.

Some

The public credit of the nation stands next in degree to the rights of the constitution; it calls loudly for the interposition of Parliament. There is a set of men, my lords, in the city of London, who are known to live in riot and luxury, upon the plunder of the ignorant, the innocent, the helpless; upon that part of the community, which stands most in need of, and best deserves the care and protection of the legislature. To me, my lords, whether they be miserable jobbers of Exchange Alley, or the lofty Asiatic plunderers of Leadenhall-street, they are all equally detestable. I care but little whether a man walks on foot, or is drawn by eight or six horses. If his luxury be supported by the plunder of his detest him.

country, I despise and

My lords, while I had the honor of serving his Majesty, I never ventured to look at the treasury but at a distance; it is a business I am unfit for, and to which I never could have submitted. The little I know of it has not served to raise my opinion of what is vulgarly called the monied interest; I mean that bloodsucker, that muckworm, which calls itself the friend of government; that pretends to serve this or that administration, and may be purchased, on the same terms, by any administration; that advances money to government, and takes special care of its own emoluments.

I hope, my lords, that nothing I have said will be understood to extend to the honest industrious tradesman, who holds the middle rank, and has given repeated proofs, that he prefers law and liberty to gold. I love that class of men. Much less would I be thought to reflect upon the fair merchant, whose liberal com

merce

merce is the prime source of national wealth. I esteem his occupation, and respect his character.

My lords, if the general representation, which I have had the honor to lay before you, of the situation of public affairs, has in any measure engaged your attention, your lordships, I am sure, will agree with me, that the season calls for more than common prudence and vigour in the direction of your councils. The difficulty of the crisis demands a wise, a firm, and a popular administration: The dishonorable traffic of places has engaged us too long. Upon this subject, my lords, I speak without interest or enmity. I have no personal objection to any of the king's servants. I shall never be minister; certainly, not without full power to cut away all the rotten branches of government. Yet, unconcerned as I truly am for myself, I cannot avoid seeing some capital errors in the distribution of the royal favour.

I know I shall be accused of attempting to revive distinctions. My lords, if it were possible, I would abolish all distinctions. I would not wish the favours of the crown to flow invariably in one channel. But there are some distinctions which are inherent in the nature of things. There is a distinction between right and wrong; between whig and tory.

When I speak of an administration, such as the necessity of the season calls for, my views are large and comprehensive. It must be popular, that it may begin with reputation. It must be strong within itself, that it may proceed with vigour and decision. An administration, formed upon an exclusive system of family connexions, or private friendships, cannot, I am convinced, be long supported in this country.

I shall trouble your lordships with but a few words more. His Majesty tells us in his speech, that he will call upon us for our advice, if it should be necessary in the farther progress of this affair. It is not easy to say whether or not the ministry are serious in this declaration; nor what is meant by the progress of an affair,

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which rests upon one fixed point. Hitherto we have not been called upon. But though we are not consulted, it is our right and duty, as the king's great hereditary council, to offer him our advice. The papers mentioned in the noble Duke's motion, will enable us to form a just and accurate opinion of the conduct of his Majesty's servants, though not of the actual state of their honorable negociations.

The ministry, too, seem to want advice upon some points, in which their own safety is immediately concerned. They are now balancing between a war, which they ought to have foreseen, but for which they have made no provision, and an ignominious compromise. Let me warn them of their danger. If they are forced into a war, they stand it at the hazard of their heads. If, by an ignominious compromise, they should stain the honor of the crown, or sacrifice the rights of the people, let them look to their consciences, and consider whether they will be able to walk the streets in safety.

SOCRATES' DEFENCE BEFORE HIS ACCUSERS AND JUDGES.

I

AM accused of corrupting the youth, and of instilling dangerous principles into them, as well in regard to the worship of the gods, as the rulers of government. You know, Athenians, I never made it my profession to teach; nor can envy, however violent against me, reproach me with having ever sold my instructions. I have an undeniable evidence for me in this respect, which is my poverty. Always equally ready to communicate my thoughts either to the rich or poor, and to give them entire leisure to question or answer me, I lend myself to every one who is desirous of becoming virtuous; and if amongst those who hear me, there are any who prove either good or bad, neither the virtues of the one, nor the vices of the other,

to

to which I have not contributed, are to be ascribed

to me.

My whole employment is to persuade the young and old against too much love for the body, for riches, and all other precarious things of whatsoever nature they be, and against too little regard for the soul, which ought to be the object of their affection. For I incessantly urge to you, that virtue does not proceed from riches, but on the contrary, riches from virtue; and that all the other goods of human life, as well public as private, have their source in the same principle.

If to speak in this manner be to corrupt youth, I confess, Athenians, that I am guilty, and deserve to be punished. If what I say be not true, it is most easy to convict me of my falsehood. I see here a great number of my disciples: they have only to appear. But perhaps the reserve and consideration for a master, who has instructed them, will prevent them from declaring against me at least their fathers, brothers, and uncles cannot, as good relations and good citizens, dispense with their not standing forth to demand vengeance against the corrupter of their sons, brothers, and nephews. But these are the persons who take upon them my defence, and interest themselves in the success of my cause.

Pass on me what sentence you please, Athenians but I can neither repent nor change my conduct. I must not abandon or suspend a function, which God himself has imposed on me, since he has charged me with the care of instructing my fellow-citizens. If, after having faithfully kept all the ports, wherein I was placed by our generals, the fear of death should at this time make me abandon that in which the Divine Providence has placed me, by commanding me to pass my life in the study of philosophy, for the instruction of myself and others; this would be a most criminal desertion ideed, and make me highly worthy of being cited before this tribunal, as an impious man who does not believe the gods.

Should

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