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Soviet Republic." "This," as Dr M'Corton, the Irish representative in Russia, says, with a grim humour, gives us a good grip on the Vatican, and makes them less impressionable by British agents. If the British threaten to squeeze, in future we can threaten too. It is not necessary to dwell on this. I don't see how it can react against us in the North or elsewhere; but that is the sole danger. The advantages more than counteract the vistas." He is a pleasant gentleman, Dr M'Corton, and he intends to ask the Russian Soviet for at least 50,000 rifles to be sent to Ireland. But we should like to know what the Holy Father thinks of his designs upon the Roman Catholic Church in Russia.

Then there follow certain commercial clauses, which the ingenuous Dr M'Corton says will make it possible to organise "a corporation for importing stuff." "It should be directly or indirectly governmental,' thinks he, "as we can, under it, control prices and make it a source of revenue. For instance, we could control the flax of the world, or at least get our teeth well into it." Dr M'Corton is plainly hopeful if he thinks that he will control the flax of the world; hopeful is he also when he discusses the question of hostages. "That is," he writes, "if England murders any of our soldiers in or out of prison, they will agree to execute a Britisher

as a reprisal. They have them. We suggest this, but I'm not sure." Nor are we sure. We can only congratulate Dr M'Corton on his amiable wish and his intelligent interpretation of "murder."

But the two Republics are at their best when they explain their amiable intentions. The avowed purpose "-thus runs the the precious document-" of the contracting parties being to end imperialistic exploitation, to ensure the freedom of the world's highways, to bring about universal disarmament, to make obligatory the arbitration of all international disputes, and to secure peace to the peoples of the world, they agree to enter into a league with similarly-minded nations, each nation to be represented by delegates freely elected by their nationals." It is a happy picture this of Soviet Russia and the Irish "Republic" securing the peace of the world. But we cannot put much faith in their proposed league. Where, indeed, will they discover nations similarly minded" to themselves? And the only possible conclusion is that very little harm will be done by Dr M'Corton and his friends. An alliance between two such contracting parties can only be ineffectual; and did not the tragedy of wholesale assassination hang over them both, there would be an element of comedy in this monstrous treaty for "the advancement of humanity."

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Soviet Republic." "This," as Dr M'Corton, the Irish representative in Russia, says, with a grim humour, " gives us a good grip on the Vatican, and makes them less impressionable by British agents. If the British threaten to squeeze, in future we can threaten too. It is not necessary to dwell on this. I don't see how it can react against us in the North or elsewhere; but that is the sole danger. The advantages more than counteract the vistas." He is a pleasant gentleman, Dr M'Corton, and he intends to ask the Russian Soviet for at least 50,000 rifles to be sent to Ireland. But we should like to know what the Holy Father thinks of his designs upon the Roman Catholic Church in Russia.

Then there follow certain commercial clauses, which the ingenuous Dr M'Corton says will make it possible to organise "a corporation for importing stuff." 'It should be directly or indirectly governmental," thinks he, "as we can, under it, control prices and make it a source of revenue. For instance, we could control the flax of the world, or at least get our teeth well into it." Dr M'Corton is plainly hopeful if he thinks that he will control the flax of the world; hopeful is he also when he discusses the question of hostages. "That is," he writes, "if England murders any of our soldiers in or out of prison, they will agree to execute a Britisher

as a reprisal. They have them. We suggest this, but I'm not sure." Nor are we sure. We can only congratulate Dr M'Corton on his amiable wish and his intelligent interpretation of "murder."

But the two Republics are at their best when they explain their amiable intentions. "The avowed purpose "-thus runs the precious document-“ of the contracting parties being to end imperialistic exploitation, to ensure the freedom of the world's highways, to bring about universal disarmament, to make obligatory the arbitration of all international disputes, and to secure peace to the peoples of the world, they agree to enter into a league with similarly-minded nations, each nation to be represented by delegates freely elected by their nationals." It is a happy picture this of Soviet Russia and the Irish "Republic" securing the peace of the world. But we cannot put much faith in their proposed league. Where, indeed, will they discover "nations similarly minded" to themselves? And the only possible conclusion is that very little harm will be done by Dr M'Corton and his friends. An alliance between two such contracting parties can only be ineffectual; and did not the tragedy of wholesale assassination hang over them both, there would be an element of comedy in this monstrous treaty for "the advancement of humanity."

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Soviet Republic." This," as Dr M'Corton, the Irish representative in Russia, says, with a grim humour, "gives us a good grip on the Vatican, and makes them less impressionable by British agents. If the British threaten to squeeze, in future we can threaten too. It is not necessary to dwell on this. I don't see how it can react against us in the North or elsewhere; but that is the sole danger. The advantages more than counteract the vistas." He is a pleasant gentleman, Dr M'Corton, and he intends to ask the Russian Soviet for at least 50,000 rifles to be sent to Ireland. But we should like to know what the Holy Father thinks of his designs upon the Roman Catholic Church in Russia.

Then there follow certain commercial clauses, which the ingenuous Dr M'Corton says will make it possible to organise "a corporation for importing stuff.' "It should be directly or indirectly governmental,' thinks he, "as we can, under it, control prices and make it a source of revenue. For instance, we could control the flax of the world, or at least get our teeth well into it." Dr M'Corton is plainly hopeful if he thinks that he will control the flax of the world; hopeful is he also when he discusses the question of hostages.

as a reprisal. They have them. We suggest this, but I'm not sure." Nor are we sure. We can only congratulate Dr M'Corton on his amiable wish and his intelligent interpretation of "murder."

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But the two Republics are at their best when they explain their amiable intentions. The avowed purpose "-thus runs the the precious document-“ of the contracting parties being to end imperialistic exploitation, to ensure the freedom of the world's highways, to bring about universal disarmament, to make obligatory the arbitration of all international disputes, and to secure peace to the peoples of the world, they agree to enter into a league with similarly-minded nations, each nation to be represented by delegates freely elected by their nationals." It is a happy picture this of Soviet Russia and the Irish "Republic" securing the peace of the world. But we cannot put much faith in their proposed league. Where, indeed, will they disnations similarly minded" to themselves? And the only possible conclusion is that very little harm will be done by Dr M'Corton and his friends. An alliance between two such contracting parties can only be ineffectual; and did not the tragedy of wholesale assassination hang over them both, there would be an element of comedy in this monstrous treaty for "the advancement of humanity."

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