house, as he thought; but, in reality, in quite has concealed in one of the sleeves of her

After travelling a day's journey he came to the bank of a river, where a large crowd was assembled. On asking what caused the assemblage of so many persons in that particular spot, he was told that a party of the rebels were then and there holding a hong, or market, to dispose of their plunder and pris-nized it to be a jade silk-measure that he had oners. Thinking that Faw-wang might probably be among the captives, Yaou entered the market, but soon discovered that the rebels were keen dealers. For, apprehending that if their female captives' faces were seen, the purchasers would invariably select the youngest and best looking, the rebels placed a sack over the head of each prisoner, drawing it down as far as the hands, and sold the whole for one price all round.

dows, doors, tables, seats, bed, and bed-hang-1 the true offspring of Kwe's house, and not a ings.

"How strange!" he exclaimed. "I have frequently dreamt of a room, exactly resembling this; every thing here is quite familiar to me. Am I awake, or do I still dream! I remember, too, that in my dreams I have frequently gone to a recess, concealed by that very curtain at the foot of the bed, and taken from thence a box of toys-a little porcelain horse, a hammer, a ball, and other things, such as children play with."

Lien, too much agitated to speak, drew back the curtain, disclosing the recess and the box of toys, which were immediately recognized by Yaou.

"Of a surety, then," said Lien, "you cannot be any other than my own son, who, escaping the calamity of the tiger, was picked up by a kidnapper, and sold to some childless family."

But Yaou strongly insisted that such could not be the case; for no one had ever told him that he was not the son of Kwe, the rice-merchant, in the city of Hwo-Kwang. Then Faw-wang, who had not previously spoken, said to her husband :

"Everybody in our town well knew that you were not the son of Kwe, the rice-merchant, though nobody liked to tell you so to your face. When you first proposed marriage to me, my parents, seeing you were an industrious and well-disposed young man, would gladly have consented if you had been

mere purchased brat. That was the true reason why they would not permit our marriage to be solemnized. And now, when you have heard all this, how can you doubt that you are the son of this worthy couple?that this is the very room in which you were born?"

For some minutes not one of the party could speak. At last, Lien, with an effort, breaking the silence, said :

:

"We need not long remain in doubt upon this matter. There is a certain means of identification, by a peculiar mark my child had upon his body."

On examination, the mark was found upon Yaou, and then Lien said :

"This day the Imperial Heaven and Queenlike Earth, taking compassion on our collected virtue, have brought us all together to complete our imperfect circle."

Then all, with one accord, having bowed and thanked Heaven and earth, Lien summoned the servants, and ordered them to make preparations for a grand feast. Four pigs and four sheep were killed in honor of the gods, and to furnish a repast for all the neighbors; before whom Lien acknowledged Yaou to be his legitimate son and heir, who, consequently, took from that time his original name of Sea-lou, or the Little-chamber, though he is still more generally known over all the great celestial, central, flowery empire as THE LOST CHILD. WILLIAM PINKERTON.

THE MEDITERRANEAN.-None can gainsay | though, if one may so speak, impulsive, pasthe wondrous beauty of the Mediterranean, nor, sionate, treacherous, as in these degenerate days though hues equally lovely of their kind dye of Greece and Italy are too many of the inhab the billows of more northern latitudes, the ex-itants peopling its beautiful shores, causing one treme richness and changeableness of its gor- to look back with a fonder and more reverential geous sun-borrowed colors; yet I think any one accustomed to live by the seaboard of the English Channel, and to watch with enthusiastic admiration the magnificent rollers of the Atlantic coming in with a stirring breeze and rising tide, must be impressed with the want of grandeur in this comparatively tideless sea. Even when some of its famed winds have lashed the usually silver and lapis lazuli surface into seething foam, there is to all who love natural marine pictures of a boldly varied cast a strange sameness in its appearance and voice as it breaks in ceaseless crashes on the shingle ridges; while the utter absence of that fresh briny odor of the veritable ocean, so invigorating on our own coasts, helps to give to the Mediteranean its lakelike character. Nevertheless it is a noble inland sea fraught with classic associations,

emotion than ever to the Channel scenery, so grand in repose, so terrible in tempest-ay, and to the bracing climate, too, the local influence of both of which may be traced in the energy, daring, and hardy endurance of the brave old Anglo-Saxon race, whether the individual lot be cast on the sultry plains of Hindostan or the ice-bound banks of Hudson's Bay. Not that the Niçois are to be disparaged or despised: wherever hills other than mere mounds rear their heads, you can mark in some measure their mind-elevating effect on the men and women who dwell among them. Nor should one reflect upon Italy while living in the only part of her fair land, that from the liberal character of its sovereign can boast of being free. Fraser's Magazine.

From The Economist, 2 Nov. THE MORAL STRENGTH OF ENGLAND.

her, if she had good confidence that it could not have been honorably avoided and she believed that the principles of freedom were SIR G. C. LEWIS pointed out, truly enough, staked upon the issue of it, there would not in his speech at the Mansion House on Wed- be a single dissentient voice on the subject. nesday, that, while England is in a condition We should not wait to be united till the inof the highest internal prosperity, there are vaders were on our shores-till our national grounds for anxiety respecting foreign affairs existence was threatened-till patriotism had which must press on the present generation suspended all other feelings whatever. We of Englishmen. The state of the continent should be united at once. The principle of is a new one; there are grounds for caution our government has the confidence of the and anxiety which are peculiar to it, and whole nation : we are attached to it; we think which we have no experience in dealing with. highly of its structure, and have confidence in The government of France is of a very strange its decisions. In France, on the contrary, kind; it has many singular features which are the fact that the government is in favor of new to the world and formidable to its neigh-war, or of any thing, tends and must tend to bors. The character of the French emperor prejudice many of the educated classes against is an anomalous one; his natural disposition it. In the nature of things, it must be so. was probably a peculiar one, and his career has been so exceptional as to make it still more peculiar. The only feeling which foreign observers can rationally entertain with respect to the intentions of such a man in such a position, is one of suspense, if not distrust. It would be irrational to hold a positive and conclusive opinion as to what he will do or will not do. The data for a confident judgment are not open to the world. We must be prepared for the course he may adopt, whatever that course may be.

But, though we are very anxious that these grave causes for care and watchfulness should be borne in mind, we are also desirous that we should not be believed to countenance any species of timorous apprehension or panic. Such feelings have always been found to defeat their own object. They are too extreme to last long; they are not of a nature to find a vent in important action; they commonly pass away after inducing us to talk and write in a manner which is provoking to foreign nations. Any kind of caution to be rational,

must be continuous.

Moreover, there are two reasons which must tend to strengthen the hands of England in any struggle which we might now have with any of the despotic governments on the continent. We are a united people; we are so in a very remarkable sense. Almost all nations are united against a foreign invasion; as soon as the foot of a foreigner touches the soil of a country, all intestine differences, except the very greatest, are overlooked, and the nation resists the invasion as one mass. Whenever powerful party in a state has combined with a foreign enemy, it has almost always found that it lost more in moral strength by opposing its country, than it gained in physical strength by the aid of the invaders. Most nations, therefore, are united in moments of great peril. But England is united in a much deeper sense. If a war with any despotic government were forced upon

A

government cannot found itself upon the confidence of a single class, however numerous it may be, without wounding the feelings of all other classes. Certain not uninfluential persons in France will be prejudiced against every thing which Louis Napoleon does, sim ply because it is he who does it. In the case of war-especially of a predatory and aggressive war-the consciousness of this strong but latent feeling could not but depress his energies and hamper his decisions. From the nature of his government, he never could know how far it extended. The unexpressed but well-known protest of a large educated class cannot be despised by any ruler. Nor, perhaps, is the French emperor the man to set himself in opposition to it, as many rulers, who are as absolute as he is, might, from some momentary feeling, be inclined to do. He has seen much of the world, and has learnt from it the probable tendencies and the inevitable influence of public opinion. He will feel that in a struggle with us, in a quarrel of his secking, England will be united and France will not.

Another feeling of the same nature would contribute its influence in the same direction. In such a struggle as we have supposed, England would have the support of all liberal opinion throughout the whole civilized world. Here and there an ultramontane enthusiast, or a professed adherent of despotism, might try to raise a petty argument against us; but, on the whole, the generous sympathies, and the natural instincts of all thinking men in all countries, would be with us; and, though these are no substitutes for material strength, they are the greatest aids to material strength that can be imagined. They are a daily encouragement to those on whose side they are, and a daily discouragement to those against whom they protest.

The conclusion to be drawn from these considerations is a plain, simple one. We should not be deterred from doing any thing

which we believe to be right from any kind of terror or panic. The strength of England being a strength that is based upon opinion, the most courageous is at this moment really the prudent course for her. By being false to liberal opinion in a moment of trial, she would lose its sympathies, she would excite its animosity, she would lose her moral power. We have now one of the greatest opportunities ever afforded to us of strengthening our moral influence. We have the advocacy of Italian freedom thrown almost exclusively into our hands. Prussia excepted, the great continental states must be unfavorable to it. The French emperor has told us what he wishes, and we know that no one else wishes it. It is with us to take such steps as may be in our power for obtaining, we had nearly said for preserving, the freedom of Central Italy; and it is indisputable that, in so doing, we shall incidentally, but greatly, strengthen ourselves.

From The Saturday Review, 19 Nov.

FRANCE AND ITALY.

arms, will lose a large portion of the sympathy which it has hitherto commanded in Europe, nor will it be material to inquire whether the appointment of a regent chosen from a royal house constitutes a lawful cause of war between Central Italy and Naples. The sting of the French remonstrance consists in the assumption that Piedmont and Naples stand as foreign powers on the same footing in relation to Florence and to Bologna, yet it is absurd to say that the appointment of the prince of Carignan would be legally an act of intervention on the part of Piedmont. On the same principle, Holland might have declared war against Saxe Coburg when Prince Leopold accepted the throne of Belgium.

The objection that the appointment of a regent anticipates the decision of the congress is scarcely less nugatory and vexatious. "The great powers meet, not to dispose at their pleasure of the territories of smaller states, but to take cognizance, as a judicial tribunal, of the facts and rights of possession which have already succeeded in establishing themselves. A congress anterior to the war must have assumed the rights of the ducal houses THERE is nothing surprising in the control in their respective states, and it would have which France assumes over the affairs of Italy, confined its interference with the legations but the tone of insult in which the imperial to barren recommendations of administrative communications have lately been couched reforms. It now becomes the duty of the would seem to be gratuitous, and even short- same powers to recognize the state of things sighted. The natural repugnance which is which has been established by the deliberate produced by the necessity of unwilling obedi- will of the native population; and yet the ence is greatly aggravated when an arbitrary French protest implies that Tuscany and Rocommand is accompanied by a frivolous rea- magna are to blame because they furnish the son. Stet pro ratione voluntas-let Central plenipotentiaries who are to decide on their Italy prolong its condition of uncertainty and fate with the materials which are indispensa helplessness, because the emperor of the ble to the formation of a rational judgment. French does not choose that an independent Even according to the most extravagant thestate should arise from the free union of kin- ory of the powers which could be assigned to dred populations. It is a gratuitous affront a congress, the states and provinces which are to place a veto on Prince Eugene for fear of a to be the objects of its care must adopt some Neapolitan invasion, and to annul the appoint-provisional form of existence while they are ment of Buoncompagni on the ground that a expecting the irrevocable decision. regency would interfere injuriously with the and Modena, Tuscany and the legations, functions of a congress. Not long since it have taken the liberty to anticipate the conwas officially announced that the annexation gress by dismissing their rulers, and, in the of the duchies was inexpedient because the case of Tuscany, the revolution was honored welfare of Italy required that a balance of by the presence of a French prince, escorted power should be maintained between the northern and southern divisions of the Peninsula. The pretence that the nomination of a Piedmontese prince would lead to the march of a Neapolitan army was not less chimerical, and even more insulting. Few Italian patriots would object to rest their hopes on the issue of a conflict with Naples. If the king is strong enough to keep down opposition at home while he reconquers the legations for the Holy See, he will at least confer on the restored government that kind of right which arices from the possession of superior might. Italian liberty, once suppressed by Italian

LIVING AGE. THIRD SERIES. 403

Parma

by a division of the French army. Finding the inconvenience of living under four temporary governments, the provinces of Central Italy have agreed on the nomination of a joint regent, and their choice naturally represented their ulterior purpose of amalgamation with the Sardinian monarchy. It is difficult to believe that the domineering opposition which they have experienced arises from an anxious care to reserve the rights of Russia, of Prus sia, and of England. One, at least, of the parties to the expected congress would gladly abstain from dictating that union of Central and Northern Italy which, voluntarily adopted,

solves all the material difficulties of the ques- the French or the Austrians; and the extion. Count Walewski's circular, as well as ploits of Garibaldi proved, not only the galthe official or semi-official declarations of the lantry of Italian soldiers, but the popularity French papers, would seem to imply that the of the national cause with that part of the congress is expected to adopt measures in population which had often been calumniated which it is impossible for England to concur. as friendly to the Austrian rule. For six The insolent system of agitation by which the months all Central Italy has maintained peace animosity of the French people has lately and order, under every discouragement which been excited against their unoffending neigh- could be imposed on a liberated people and bors is probably intended to deter the English on a provisional government. The country government from any imprudent opposition to which, according to Mr. Disraeli, was honeythe imperial will. The practical result will combed by secret societies and ignorant of be found in the difficulty which Lord Palmer- political moderation, has steadily offered to ston and Lord John Russell may experience Europe, through a ruling aristocracy of prop if they have occasion to make any ostensible erty and education, the pledge of order which concessions to France. The contempt of Eng- is furnished by union with a constitutional lishmen for a public opinion created and cir- monarchy. culated by prefects is not incompatible with a wholesome resentment when any form of intimidation is attempted.

If argument and reason prove ineffective, accomplished facts will still necessarily influ ence the decisions of the congress. Without Notwithstanding all the discouragements an intervention on the part of France or Aus which they have experienced, the Italians, if tria, the five powers will have no means of they have firmness to persevere, have still carrying into execution any measures which many chances in their favor. Of the five the majority may approve for the suppression great powers, Austria alone is openly and of Italian independence. No English or Prus professedly hostile to the national cause; sian or Russian army will march upon RoEngland is friendly; Prussia leans rather to magna under the banners of the pope. France England than to France; and of Russia it is will not allow Austria to interfere; and the only known that her hostility to Austria has only remaining alternative is a wanton and not relaxed with the renewal of friendship be- brutal attack upon Italy by the very army tween the late belligerents. The Italian gov- which lately conquered Lombardy from Aus ernments will occupy an anomalous position; tria. The inhabitants of the Legations are for Piedmont, Naples, and the Holy See, perfectly capable of dealing with the papal divided among themselves by irreconcilable troops, and Piedmont is more than able to differences, will leave a fourth part of Italy keep Naples in check. The alternative, therenominally unrepresented. The enigma of fore, of independence or of foreign conquest French policy still remains, and it may possibly still remains for Italy, notwithstanding_the admit of a favorable solution. It may be ar- patronizing menaces of France. The Em gued that Count Walewski's advocacy of an im- peror Napoleon may feel a well-founded conpossible confederation is merely intended to re-fidence in the willingness of his army and of duce the stipulations of Villafranca and Zurich his generals to support a crusade against to a visible absurdity. Obligations which cannot conveniently be repudiated may nevertheless be exposed as utterly impracticable. It is incredible that Austria should really intend to join an Italian League, with the consequence of submitting, in the affairs of Venetia, to the control of Piedmont. The honorary presi- tion. dency of the pope over the sovereign whom he is incessantly consigning to perdition forms only one of the minor impediments to the confederation. It is possible that Napoleon III. may foresee, in the rejection of his favor- AT a time when the French army is being ite scheme, an opportunity for liberating him- stimulated to claim an invasion of England as self from the improvident undertakings which its due, when Italy is in arms, and the papacy were suggested by his natural eagerness for is dividing nation against nation and house peace. against house, we have an abundance of diffi In maintaining their claims before the con-culties apparent on the surface which we gress, the Italians may refer with pride to know must be settled in some way or other their recent conduct in peace and in war. In before Europe can again be at peace. Bu one of the bloodiest campaigns ever experi- modern interests are so interwoven, and the enced by France, the proportionate loss was actual adjustment of all important questions greater in the Piedmontese army than among is determined by so many small causes as

Italian liberty as readily as an unprovoked at tack upon Austria. It may not be equally prudent to set at defiance the unanimous opinion of France and of Europe. England, at least, is nearly tired of the dictatorship which keeps the world in perpetual commo

From The Saturday Review, 19 Now
EUROPEAN DIFFICULTIES.