kingdom under his dominion, the great work of the Revolution was neither accomplished nor secured. The fair way, therefore, of judging of the value of the Treaty of Limerick to England is to consider how far it contributed to promote this object. If the Treaty of Limerick in any degree led to the establishment of the Revolution, the vast importance of this event should incline the people of England to act with justice, at least, toward the Catholics; but if their submission contributed essentially to crown the brilliant efforts of the friends of liberty with success, then, indeed, the people of England should feel zealous to act toward the Catholics, not on a cold calculation of what was merely just on their part, but with that kindness with which we always regard those who have promoted our prosperity, whether intentionally or not. That the submission of the Irish Catholics did so contribute to complete the Revolution is plain, from the means which they possessed of continuing the war, from the opportunity it afforded William to bring his whole forces to bear against Louis, and from the termination it fixed to the hopes and the conspiracies of the adherents of James of England. Yet, notwithstanding the great concessions which the Catholics on their part made, by their submission, in order to obtain the terms of the Treaty of Limerick, and the great advantages which the English nation, on the other hand, acquired by it, twelve years only elapsed before the Catholics were deprived of every right and privilege which was solemnly guaranteed to them by that treaty.

The only species of justification that could, under any circumstances, have been brought forward for acting in this manner toward the Catholics, would have been the proof of the forfeiture, by misconduct, of their right to the fulfilment of the treaty. That anything which they did prior to the treaty could have, in justice, any influence on measures passed subsequent to its taking

this day, bound to make good to the Catholics of Ireland the stipulations contained in that treaty. For, if ever there was an instance in which the consideration that formed the basis of a treaty should have secured a liberal and a just fulfilment, it was the instance of this Treaty of Limerick.

In the course of the three campaigns during which the war lasted in Ireland, the English army had been defeated on several occasions: in the North, under Schomberg; before Athlone, under Douglass; and before Limerick, under William himself.

The victory of the Boyne was the result of the personal failings of James, not of any deficiency in the number of his army, nor of any want of courage on their part. “Exchange kings," said the Irish officers, " and we will once more fight the battle." St. Ruth had won the battle of Aughrim, and had exclaimed, in an ecstasy of joy, “Now will I drive the English to the walls of Dublin," at the moment the fatal ball struck him.* And at the time the garrison of Limerick capitulated, the Irish army was in a condition to hold out at least another campaign, with a good prospect of being able to restore the fallen fortunes of James. The besieging army had made no impression on the principal part of the city; it was inferior in numbers to that of the garrison; winter was fast approaching, and it so happened that French succors were at this very moment on the coast: yet all these advantages did the Irish army forego, in consideration of the terms which were granted them by the Treaty of Limerick.

On the other hand, in granting these terms, the English government and nation obtained advantages of the utmost importance to themselves; for, as long as James had a powerful army in Ireland,† and nearly one half of the

* Leland, b. vi, cap. 7.

† 6,000 soldiers actually embarked for France after the surrender of Limerick. See Dr. Duigenan's "Demands of Romanists," p. 60.

kingdom under his dominion, the great work of the Revolution was neither accomplished nor secured. The fair way, therefore, of judging of the value of the Treaty of Limerick to England is to consider how far it contributed to promote this object. If the Treaty of Limerick in any degree led to the establishment of the Revolution, the vast importance of this event should incline the people of England to act with justice, at least, toward the Catholics; but if their submission contributed essentially to crown the brilliant efforts of the friends of liberty with success, then, indeed, the people of England should feel zealous to act toward the Catholics, not on a cold calculation of what was merely just on their part, but with that kindness with which we always regard those who have promoted our prosperity, whether intentionally or not. That the submission of the Irish Catholics did so contribute to complete the Revolution is plain, from the means which they possessed of continuing the war, from the opportunity it afforded William to bring his whole forces to bear against Louis, and from the termination it fixed to the hopes and the conspiracies of the adherents of James of England. Yet, notwithstanding the great concessions which the Catholics on their part made, by their submission, in order to obtain the terms of the Treaty of Limerick, and the great advantages which the English nation, on the other hand, acquired by it, twelve years only elapsed before the Catholics were deprived of every right and privilege which was solemnly guaranteed to them by that treaty.

The only species of justification that could, under any circumstances, have been brought forward for acting in this manner toward the Catholics, would have been the proof of the forfeiture, by misconduct, of their right to the fulfilment of the treaty. That anything which they did prior to the treaty could have, in justice, any influence on measures passed subsequent to its taking

place, is quite impossible, because the treaty admitted their acts to be those of open and honorable enemies, and specifically pardoned them.*

As to their conduct afterward, even their most inveterate and most unprincipled enemies did not charge them with a single transgression against the state from the year 1691 to the year 1704, when the "act to prevent the further growth of Popery" was passed. And it is very plain that no such charge could be maintained, from the paltry attempt that was made in parliament to justify this act. It was said "that the Papists had demonstrated how and where, since the making of the articles of Limerick, they had addressed the queen or government, when all other subjects were so doing; and that any right which they pretended was to be taken from them by the bill, was in their own power to remedy, by conforming, as in prudence they ought to do, and that they ought not to blame any but themselves."+

No circumstance can possibly illustrate more clearly the innocence of the Catholics and their loyalty and good conduct, from the Treaty of Limerick to the passing of this act, than this mockery of justification; nor could anything bring to our understanding an accurate comprehension of the perfidy and baseness of that government

*"The peculiar situation of that country," (Ireland), says Macpherson, "seems to have been overlooked in the contest. The desertion, upon which the deprivation of James had been founded in England, had not existed in Ireland. The lord-lieutenant had retained his allegiance; the government was uniformly continued under the name of the prince from whom the servants of the crown had derived their commissions; James himself had, for more than seventeen months, exercised the royal function in Ireland. He was certainly de facto, if not de jure, king. The rebellion of the Irish must, therefore, be founded on the supposition that their allegiance is transferable by the parliament of England. A speculative opinion can scarcely justify the punishment of a great majority of a people. The Irish ought to have been considered as enemies, rather than rebels."-"Hist. Great Britain."

+ Curry, "Debates on the Popery Laws," vol. ii, p. 397.

and of that parliament more distinctly than so silly an excuse for such stern and crafty oppression.

Though the Treaty of Limerick was now violated in every point, the spirit of persecution was still restless and unsatisfied. However great was the ingenuity of the legislators who produced the masterpiece of oppression, the "act to prevent the further growth of Popery," it was found that another act was still wanting to explain and amend it. Such an act was passed in the year 1709.* The first clause provides that no Papist shall be allowed to take any annuity for life.

The following is the third clause, every word of which is of value, in order to show the vexations to which the unfortunate Catholics of Ireland have been exposed :—

"And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that where and as often as any child or children of any Popish parent or parents hath or have heretofore possessed or conformed him, her, or themselves to the Protestant religion as by law established, and enrolled in the High Court of Chancery a certificate of the bishop of the diocese in which he, she, or they shall inhabit or reside, testifying his, her, or their being a Protestant, and conforming him, her, or themselves to the Church of Ireland as by law established, it shall and may be lawful for the High Court of Chancery, upon a bill founded upon this act, to oblige the said Papists, parent or parents, to discover upon oath the full value of all his, her, or their estate, as well personal as real, clear, over and above all real incumbrances and debts, contracted bona fide, for value or consideration, before the enrolment of such certificate, and thereupon to make such order for the support and maintenance of such Protestant child or children, by the distribution of the said real and personal estate to and among such Protestant child or children, for the present support of such Protestant child or children; and also to

* 8 Anne, c. 3.