· Dec., 1877. Geological, on account annual appro

GENERAL SUPERINTENDENT'S REPORT.

GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to herewith submit my report for the past season:

.

In entering upon the duties of the office, I was admonished by many circumstances that considerable work was needed to be done to put the property of the Board in order, owing to the destruction by fire of the horticultural and agricultural buildings, and a portion of the main building, only a few days before I was placed in authority. The labor and expense was necessarily increased, the details of which will be found in the Secretary's report. The cleaning of the grounds and stabling was done by the parties renting the driving track, as part consideration for the rent of the track, stabling and dwelling house, and was attended to in due season. The fence and main buildings which were damaged by fire were repaired early in the season to prevent damage to the premises. The driving track has been improved by widening seven feet, commencing at the northeast corner of the amphitheater and terminating near the . center of the east end.

A janitor lives in the dwelling house on the grounds, who has the care of the premises, including the main exposition building.

Respectfully submitted,

J. W. FURNAS, General Superintendent.

On motion of Mr. Line, the President's address was received and ordered spread upon the records of the Board.

On motion of Mr. Ragan, the financial portions of the Secretary's, Treasurer's and General Superintendent's reports were referred to the Finance Committee.

The recommendations contained in the Secretary's report were referred to a special committee of five, consisting of

three delegate members and two members of the Board proper.

The President appointed Messrs. Ragan, Mitchell of Gibson, Line, Seybold and Donnell as the special committee. The reports of Department Superintendents were called for, being in order on the programme.

On motion of Mr. Ragan, the reading of the reports was dispensed with, and they were ordered published in the Annual Report of the Board.

The President announced the following Standing Committees:

On Finance-Messrs. Caldwell, Crim and Seward, of the Board, and Jos. Gilbert and S. M. Daily, Delegates.

On Rules and Regulations-Messrs. Nelson, Cofield and Sutherland, of the Board, and L. Bledsoe and S. R. Quick, Delegates.

On Fair Grounds-Messrs. Mitchell of Rush, Sample and Ragan, of the Board, and J. Q. A. Seig and S. R. Quick, Delegates.

On Unfinished Business-Messrs. Claypool, Sutherland and Lockhart, of the Board, and Captain David Wilson and T. W. Tuttle, Delegates.

On Premium List-Messrs. Haynes and Seward, of the Board, and M. C. Ensminger and E. S. Frazee, Delegates. On Geological Department-Executive Committee and A. B. Line and J. C. Miller, Delegates.

Nominations for new members of the Board being in order, the following nominations were made:

First District-Robert Mitchell of Gibson.

Second District-J. W. Canary of Sullivan county, and R. P. Haynes of Daviess county.

Third District-Hon. F. C. Johnson of Floyd county, and B. H. Hancock of Harrison county.

Fourth District-W. B. Seward of Monroe county. Seventh District-Hon. Jacob Mutz of Shelby county, and A. C. Remy of Marion county.

Fourteenth District-L. B. Custar of Cass county.

Fifteenth District-Hon. John Sutherland, of Laporte county.

Sixteenth District-R. M. Lockhart of DeKalb county.

President E. E. White, of Purdue University, according to programme, took the stand and delivered the following address:

THE EDUCATION OF THE FARMER.

BY PROF. E. E. WHITE.

This opposi

Aristocracy has always opposed the education of labor. tion may vary in form, but its aim is always the same. three great aristocracies has its own pet dogma on the subject.

Each of the

The aristocracy of Caste asserts that the great mass of mankind are born to serve, and, since the less intelligent the servant the more docile the service, it declares that education unfits the children of toil for their lot in life.

The aristocracy of Capital asserts that intelligence increases the price of labor, and hence it opposes popular education as a tax on capital. The more intelligent a man is, the greater are his wants, and the higher must be his wages, in order to meet his increased necessities. Ignorant labor has few wants to supply, and hence is content with low wages.

The aristocracy of Culture asserts that the great mass of mankind are born dullards, and all attempts to educate them are futile. The few on whom God has bestowed the gift of brains, are commissioned to do the world's thinking, and they thus monopolize the right to education. This is the doctrine of the hero-worshiper, Carlisle, and it is asserted more or less clearly by many devotees of culture, who have lost all sympathy for the people.

These three aristocracies unite in opposing all efforts to uplift the laborer by the power of education. Schooling, they assert, spoils children for labor; it makes them discontented with their lot; fills them with vain ambitions; makes them idle, etc., etc. These assertions are now more frequently aimed at higher education, and especially at the high schools; but they were once urged, with as great earnestness, against the elementary schools of the people. Reading and writing have received many a blow as the dreaded enemy of Capital and Caste.

The present condition of the country gives these dogmas a fresh interest, and the air is filled with their assertion in some form or degree. The late rapid multiplication of the industries of the country opened numerous positions demanding intelligence more than muscle. The opportunity thus offered to obtain higer wages, if not to find a short road to competency, has resulted in a growing disinclination to obtain a living by hard work. The present check to the prosperity of the country makes this condition of affairs painfully evident, and aristocracy improves the opportunity to make another assault upon popular education.

It is too common a trick of logic to connect two contemporaneous phenomena as cause and effect. The moon is thus made responsible for many results in agriculture, and the party that happens to be in power, is always held responsible for "hard times." It is possible that the schools are not doing enough in the way of inculcating a respect for labor, and a disrespect for idleness, and they may not be sufficiently effective in correcting other evils which afflict humanity, but this admission by no means makes the schools responsible for these evils.

Many causes have contributed to the present disrespect for labor, and especially for what is termed menial service. The first of these is the influence of slavery, which once permeated the entire country with degrading views of labor. It will take a hundred years to recover from the influence of the slave code with its "mudsill" theory of labor.

Another cause is immigration, which has filled nearly every department of common labor with ignorant and cheap workmen, crowding out intelligence or subjecting it to unpleasant social conditions. It was once a common thing for the sons and daughters of persons in good circumstances 'to go out to service," and they were treated as the equals socially of other young people, and this is now true in American communities where the social condition of the laborer has not been degraded by the introduction of ignorant and cheap labor. When domestic service in New England was subjected to social degradation, the American girl turned to the mills and the factories for employment, and when ignorant foreign labor took possession of these she turned to the store, the telegraph office, the school-room, and other occupations demanding intelligence and granting some social recognition. What the American girl has done her brother has done. What each has sought is not so much an escape from work as protection from social ostracism. When the broom or the spade is socially tainted, the intelligent American youth will drop it. The only remedy is the removal of the social taint of the broom and the spade by elevating the character of those who use them. Workmen as a class, not their tools, determine the dignity of their employment. Intelligence and moral worth ennoble all labor.

A third cause is the rapid development of the country, opening a multitude of employments and bidding for bright and intelligent youth to fill them, thus causing a rush, so to speak, from the farm into the towns and cities, which have sprung up on every hand as if by magic. How many different employments have thus been created, and what a multitude of desirable positions have thus been opened to American youth! Is it any wonder that the intelligent and ambitious have been attracted to them? Doubtless many a good farmer or mechanic has been spoiled to make a poor lawyer or an unsuccessful merchant; but, on the contrary, all the professions and all departments of trade have been enriched and vitalized by contributions of brain power and character from the farm and the shop. The tide is now setting the other way, and the farm and the shop are bidding for intelligence and skill. It remains, however, too

true that our cities and towns are still filled with people looking for positions in which a living may be earned by one's wits rather than by his muscles.

A fourth cause is the influence of our free institutions. The political and social ideas which are the common inheritance of Americans, have done much to incite the ambitious and aspiring to seek those employments which more directly lead to public life and official position. This has unquestionably done much to crowd the profession of law with briefless attorneys who are devoting themselves to politics. The doctrine of civil equality involves so largely the idea of social equality, that menial service is made unattractive. The appeals often made, not only to the young, but also to the "sovereign citizen," tend to foster vain aspirations and to belittle industrious pursuits.

Much of the idleness which disgraces and degrades our industrial life is due to inborn laziness. A disinclination to work is no new thing under the sun. It is as old as human nature, and there is no evidence that it is peculiar to the educated and intelligent. On the contrary, the lower the condition of a people the less the inclination to work. In savage tribes the work is done by those who are compelled to toil either by hunger or external force. In half civilized nations the work is chiefly done by the women, who, in all material respects, are slaves. In all conditions of civilization man does not work except from interest or necessity. So long as human nature remains what it is, there will always be persons who prefer to get a living by their wits rather than by hard work.

These and other causes which might be named are certainly sufficient to account for the unsatisfactory condition of American industry, without charging it to the schools. Schooling may spoil some people, but many more are spoiled for the want of it. It is ignorance, not intelligence, that is degrading American labor and crippling American industry.

Over against the three dogmas of aristocracy, thus stated, permit me to put a few propositions, which are abundantly sustained by experience.

1. Education promotes industry and lessens idleness. It awakens and multiplies desires, and thus incites effort to secure the means of their gratification. The Indian builds his rude wigwam, and fashions his bow and arrow and tomahawk, and with these his wealth and industry cease. Ignorance everywhere clothes itself in rags and lives in hovels, but when man's nature is opened by education his desires clamor at the gateway of every nerve and sense for gratification. The awakened soul has wants as well as the body. Education thus touches both factors in the great law of wealth. It creates demands, and also incites effort for their gratification. Enter the homes of educated labor in this land and take an inventory of the articles found therein which are not necessary to mere physical existence, but minister to taste and sentiment, and then contrast the result with what is found in the hovels of ignorance. You will thus obtain some idea of the industrial power of intelligence. The elevation of