JOHNSTON-PALMER-YOUNG-SOLOMON-WILSON-SKIFF.

Mr. JOHNSTON. I will second the call for the necessity of inaugurating at this late hour, the yeas and nays.

Printing of the Report on the Right of Suffrage. to be printed we order the printing of the re

tion wherever it occurs. And every delegate in this convention knows the effect of that proposition perfectly well. It is not like the report of the committee on incorporations, or the report of the committee on education and school lands, and other reports where all the different parts of a regular system, organized and completed, are laid down. There is but the one idea in this report, and every delegate is just as well prepared to vote upon that resolution now, as if it should be laid upon his desk in a printed form. And farther than that; when the matter comes up for our action upon it, I am myself, and I suppose every other delegate here is, just as well prepared to vote upon it without a word being said, as I would be after a long discussion. I do not want to choke off any delegate who has eloquent speeches to make, but I am satisfied that not a mind will be changed by anything

that can be said or done here.

Mr. HALL. I do not consider it a matter of much consequence whether these reports are printed for the use of members or not. I would not have arisen to have said one word upon this subject, but for some remarks of the gentleman from Henry [Mr. Clarke]. That gentleman submitted the report of the select committee on the right of suffrage to me as a member of that committee, and I suggested some modifications to him. But I thought it was distinctly understood that I did not approve of the proposition in any form. But inasmuch as it was to be reported, I was desirous to have it prepared in such a shape that my judgment would approve of it, in case I should be in favor of it. I did not anticipate that, after what I had said in this convention, and after my known opinions upon this subject, the gentleman would leave me with the impression that I was in favor of that report, or would vote for it when it came up before the convention. I regret that the gentleman should have so misunderstood my position upon this subject.

The subject was deemed of sufficient importance by the convention, after it had been gone over by a standing committee and discussed here, incidentally at least, to a very considerable extent, to have it referred to a select committee. The people of this State had the rig it to presume that we considered this subject as clothed with an importance that did not pertain to other subjects in our constitution. But few of them have gone through the forms this has, having been acted upon by a standing committee, and then by a select committee. When it was referred to that select committee, it was as well known to this convention then as now, that this committee, as it was composed, would have diversity of opinion. The very moment the committee was announced, the convention knew they could not agree upon the subject, from the discussions which had previously taken place. They knew there would be a majority and a minority report. I believe it was the duty of that committee, representing, as it did, both sides upon the question, to make these reports,

[February 23d

and I think it was their duty to give their reasons in their reports why they refused to agree with each other. I do not think it was disrespectful or improper for the minority to do so, but that it was their duty to do so. They have done so, and I hope, as far as I have any connection with that committee, that they have done so in a respectful manner.

That report is presented here, and a proposition is offered to print it, which is carried. Now a motion is made to reconsider the vote by which it was ordered to be printed. One gentleman says it is increasing the expense of the convention. Now I think that the printing of reports made this morning would not cost as much as will the efforts to prevent their being printed. I think that we have been acting penny-wise and pound-foolish in this matter, by occupying so much time, and increasing our de

bates.

Other gentlemen object to the printing, because they say there is an effort to make political capital out of this matter. I suppose they refer to the minority here. The only object or effect which the printing of these reports can have of the tendency to make political capital, is by reaching the ears of the people sooner. If a hundred copies of these reports are printed, they will be distributed among the different papers, and the views of the minority and majority will in that way reach the ears of the people. Now if gentlemen are anxious to keep their views from the people, for fear of the political capital that would be made if they were not kept back, then they are right in voting against the printing of these reports.

I do not believe the question of the expense is any justification at all for refusing to print these reports, and distributing them throughout the State. It will cost but a mere trifle to have that done, and without feeling very tenacious about the matter, I shall vote in favor of the printing, because it is the usual and common course. This is the first time during the sitting of this convention that we have refused to print a report, when the authors of it asked to have it printed, and a large number of gentlemen here desired it.

Besides, I do not think it is exactly courteous to refuse the motion to print. If the minority here-taking party as the dividing line-desire to have the reports of the majority and minority printed, it strikes me that there is something of courtesy due to that minority. We have said here that we desire to have these reports printed, that they may be sent to the country immediately, sooner than they could be sent if they are only published in our debates. That is the reason I want to have these reports printed. And it does seem to me that the majority will be uncourteous and unkind towards the minority, if they refuse to let this matter go to the country, in which the minority feel as strong an interest, with as strong faith in the justice of the side they have espoused here as the majority possibly can.

Monday]

GILLASPY-EDWARDS.

Mr. GILLASPY. I voted in favor of printing these reports, and I did so from an honest motive. I belong to that class of persons in this State who cannot be considered as political capital manufacturers. I have no political capital to make, and did not come here for any such purpose.

[February 23d

Mr. GILLASPY. I refer to the course of the majority upon that resolution.

Mr. EDWARDS. It was adopted, and a majority of the votes must have been given in favor of it; and I advocated no course but that which I thought would facilitate the business of the Convention.

Now I consider it very unfair on the part of In reply to the remarks of the gentleman the majority who control all these committees, from Des Moines, [Mr, Hall,] I will say that to come in here and make just such reports as when I spoke a few minutes since, I did not take they choose, and then refuse the minority the into consideration at all the expense of printing benefit of having their reports printed. Now this report. I did not base my argument upon my only desire in seeking to have these reports any such ground as that. I opposed the printprinted, is in order that I may have an opportu-ing upon the ground that it would delay the bunity to consider and examine them carefully. Isiness and prolong the session of the Convenoccupy the same ground now that I did at first upon the bill of rights. Unless there should be some light thrown upon the subject, which I have not yet been able to discern, I shall vote to retain that bill of rights as it is now. But there may be more light thrown upon this ject by the majority report.

sub

tion, and that if we agreed to what the gentleman asked from us, we would have to rescind the resolution which we adopted upon his own motion-to adjourn finally on the fourth of March next-and extend the session of this Convention some four or five days, perhaps for a longer period. And no gentleman upon this floor has declaimed louder and longer, especial

This convention thought proper to refer certain portions of the bill of rights to a specially during the first part of our session here, than committee. They must have had some idea, about the people not expecting us to sit here more the gentleman from Des Moines, [Mr. Hall,] some expectation that that special committee than two or three weeks, and the enormous exwould report to this convention something new, and I do not think I would be fairly represent-pense we would be entailing upon the people if ing my constituents unless I should vote to have we prolonged the session of this Convention. And when the gentleman speaks of my being this new report laid upon my table in such a form that I may examine it readily and conve- penny-wise and pound-foolish in this matter, all I have to say is, that I think he himself is acting niently in order that I may know how to act upon the principle of stopping up the spigot properly upon this subject. and letting it run from the bung-hole.

I was rather astonished at the remarks of the gentleman from Lucas, [Mr Edwards,] this morning. Last week, when a resolution was offered requiring all the special committees to make their reports by this morning, thought I saw a disposition upon the part of the majority of this Convention to oppose that motion. We had several votes upon the matter, and, to my mind, every vote favored delay upon the part of the Convention. Now I do not desire any delay in this matter. I do not seek to delay the proceedings of this Convention by urging the printing of these reports. I want them printed and laid upon my table in order that we may have an opportunity to examine and understand them. I have heard these reports read, but I do not now recollect the first Jine of them. I hope the majority will not undertake to deprive the minority of the right to have their reports printed and laid upon our

tables.

I can see no political capital in this thing. It is a matter that will go upon the record anyhow, and the people of the State will get hold of it. But I desire it here now in order that I may be able to vote so as to represent my constituents properly.

Mr. EDWARDS. I will say, in reply to the gentleman from Wapello, [Mr. Gillaspy,] that when the resolution was offered the other day, requiring all our committees to report by to-day, I gave it my most emphatic support.

Now if those gentlemen who have made the majority and minority reports will say that they are the exponents of the republican and democratic parties here, I have no objection to having their reports printed, in order that the people of the State may square their conduct accordingly.

I

But there is a little respect, I think, due to our standing, as well as to our special committees. The gentleman from Henry [Mr. Clarke] has called for special committees upon the reports of several standing committees, because they did not happen to meet his peculiar views. did not oppose the appointment of these special committees, because I was willing to give him the largest latitude. And I did this in regard to a report that had been made here, in which the standing committee unanimously concurred. And those very gentlemen who have been most anxious for special committees, when they themselves have been upon standing committees that made unanimous reports, have not been slow to tell us that the very fact that those reports were unanimously concurred in, by those standing committees, entitled them to more weight and consideration from the convention.

Now, unless these gentlemen will get up here and say to the whole convention, that they stand here as the exponents of the two parties in this convention, I think that the reports of the standing committees should be entitled to more grave consideration than the reports of special com

Monday,]

CLARKE, of J.-WINCHESTER-CLARKE, of H.

mittees, which are made to represent more particularly their own peculiar views.

Now, I do not stand here as the exponent of the views of any man, or any set of me. But by the appointment of the presiding officer of this convention, I was placed, in conjunction with four other members of this convention, upon a standing committee, without the views of any of us being known concerning the particular subject committed to our charge. We reported unanimously in favor of adopting the article on the right of suffrage, as it stands in our present constitution. Now I ask, as a matter of justice, if the reports of the majority and minority of this select committee are to go forth to the world with their ex parte, if not garbled, statements upon this subject, that the report of the standing committee upon the same subject shall accompany them. That is what I ask, and that I contend is nothing but fair and just.

Mr. CLARKE, of Johnson. If I believed there was any anxiety in the minds of the people of this State, or any portion of them, in regard to this subject, if I believed they were waiting in dread suspense, to hear from this convention in regard to it, I should be in favor of relieving their anxiety and suspense by publishing the report presented by the gentleman from Des Moines [Mr. Hall]. But I do not believe any such thing. I do not believe that the great mass of the people of this State anticipate that, by our action here, the colored population of this state will be admitted to all the rights of citizenship, and that all the dread evils, and deleterious consequences will be inflicted upon the people of this State, as the gentleman from Des Moines has so glowing set forth in his elaborate report upon this subject. And, not believing that there is any such fear and dread in the public mind, I am opposed to the printing of that re

port.

I am opposed to the printing of this report for another reason. Gentlemen have announced here that, if it is published, they will send it to all their party papers, and if it is sent to them, it will be published, and they will say to the people of the State-see here, the republicans are going to upturn the very foundations of our government, and give negroes the right to vote. In order to stem the torrent of black republicanism, the gentleman from Des Moines has prepared the elaborate report which he wishes to furnish to the papers of his party for publication. And those papers, in publishing that report, will conceal the fact, which I think is true, at least at this time, that not five members of this convention are with the gentleman from Henry, [Mr. Clarke,] in favor of the proposition he has submitted in his report.

As I remarked when the subject was up before, an attempt will be made to cast odium upon the republican party. Those papers will publish the report of the gentleman from Henry, and will say-do you see, the leader of the republican party (as the gentleman from Wapello [Mr. Gillaspy,] styles the gentleman from Henry.)

[February 23d

has made a report in favor of allowing negroes the right to vote. And thus the other members of the republican party, who do not sanction such a thing, are made to share the odium of it. I am not willing to have myself placed in such a position. If it would be stated in these papers that in this convention, not the republican party, but only the gentleman from Henry, and a few other members, are in favor of this proposition, I would not oppose this matter of printing. But that will not be done.

obviate this morning by opposing this printing,
And besides that, the very thing I sought to
has already taken place, and we have had a dis-
cussion upon this subject, and that will be used
against the republican party, by the partizan
papers upon the other side. This printing will
not afford the people any more light upon this
subject, but will only enable the papers of one
party to conceal the true facts of the case as re-
gards the other party.

question, which was seconded.
Mr. WINCHESTER called for the previous

The question was upon ordering the main question to be put.

Mr. CLARKE, of Henry. I hope the gentleman from Hardin [Mr. Winchester,] will withdraw his call for the previous question, until I can reply to some allusions that have been made to me in regard to this matter.

Mr. WINCHESTER. I think we have had discussion enough upon this subject, and it is time it was brought to a close.

the main question to be put, and it was not The question was then taken upon ordering agreed to.

Mr. CLARKE, of Henry. There is a game very frequently played in this convention, and I am very much obliged to gentlemen for lending their aid to others to carry out that game. I should not have spoken again, in regard to this question, had it not been for the remarks made by the gentleman from Des Moines [Mr. Hall,] in connection with the remarks or the gentleman from Lucas, [Mr. Edwards.] The gentleman from Lucas referred to "the gentleman from Henry," as though he had been a very troublesome person here, as though he had not regarded the rights and privileges and dignity of the standing committees. This "gentleman from Henry," it seems, has not agreed to all the reports of these standing committees, and it is said he has come in here, with an audacity astonishing and surprising, and has moved to refer the reports of certain standing committees, or certain portions of those reports, to special committees. Now if the gentleman will point out where "the gentleman from Henry" has made any such motion, except in one instance, I shall be very uuch obliged to him. I made one motion of that kind, and I did so at the earnest request of a gentleman upon the other side, who came to me, and with a liberality which I in vain looked for from those who ought to stand by me, shoulder to shoulder, fighting

Monday]

CLARKE, of H.

for the principles they profess-he came to me, and suggested that I should move for the reference of the article on the bill of rights to a special committee. I made that motion, and that is the only motion of the kind I have submitted in this body. So much for that charge.

[February 23d

man upon this floor, to whatever party he might belong. Gentlemen can recollect that I made that statement. And when I did come forward with the proposition that this question should be submitted to the people of this State, and they should be permitted to decide upon it, what did it amount to? Was it not consistent with the

al opinions? I consult the people, each indi-
right to force upon the people his own individu-
vidual of them, in regard to to his opinions, in
relation to this matter, and propose to let him
vote exactly as he sees fit upon it.
without endangering, without sacrificing, I
might say, the constitution.

This I do,

It seems to have been supposed, by some gen-position I now take here, that no man has a tlemen here, from some resolutions that I introduced into this convention during the first part of its session, that I would take the position, and attempt to carry it through here, to have the word "white" stricken from the constitution. I know this was the impression, because gentlemen upon both sides of the house have spoken to me in regard to it. Now gentlemen may think that they know very much in regard to the intentions of "the gentleman from Henry," and they may buzz about, in their little way, concerning the positions of "the gentleman from Henry." Gentlemen may think they understand "the gentleman from Henry," that they are capable of measuring, and can tell just what he thinks, and how far he is desirous of going, and all about it. I would inform those gentlemen that they would come nearer the truth, if they would judge of me by my own speeches, and from my own declarations, and not go to others, and get their opinions concerning me.

I say now, that I have never, for one moment, desired this convention to strike the word "white" from this constitution. That is the position of "the gentleman from Henry." I say now, that if this convention would delegate to me the power, if, with the consent of the gentleman from Lucas, the convention would put me alone upon a special committee, and say they would adopt whatever report I might see fit to make, I would not recommend to this body to strike the word "white" from our constitution. And why not? Because I would not desire to see it stricken out? No. Because I do not recognise that any man has the right to compel the people of this State to take just whatever to him may seem best.

it

But I say now—and gentlemen may repeat hereafter whenever and wherever they please, and I shall stand fearlessly upon the recordthat I myself would strike that word out of our

constitution wherever it occurs, if I had the power, and the people of this State could only he made to believe that it ought to be stricken out. Individually, I think it should be stricken

out.

I am willing to live under a constitution, as I have lived before, in which that word does not exist. I was brought up under such a constitution, and I believe it is right. That is my po

sition. There is no favoritism in that.

When, therefore, this question was referred to a select committee, the gentleman from Des Moines [Mr. Hall] has no right to say there could be no such thing as a compromise. I stated upon this floor that I thought a proposition might be brought forward here, that would meet with the concurrence of every reasonable

And I say again, that when I presented the proposition to the gentleman from Des Moines, as one of that committee, I distinctly understood him to say, and I am certain my ears could not deceive me" that is good democratic doctrine, the leaving the question to the people." I suppose the gentleman from Des Moines was looking for a proposition from me to strike the word "white" from the constitution, and when I came forward with a mere proposition, a mere resolution to let the people vote upon this question, independently and separately from the constitution, making no hazard whatever of the constitution itself, I thought I saw upon his part a willingness to accept the proposition. looked over the resolution with me, and suggested some alterations, which were concurred in. I certainly understood him to regard it as being in accordance with sound democratic doctrine.

Ho

awhile since, concerning the object of printing Now, for the grounds of the charge I made these reports.

I thought I saw manifested a desire to make political capital out of this matter. What else could I think, when I left the gentleman with the understanding I have referred to, and when he knew I would report the resolution with the alterations he had suggested? And I was ceedingly surprised this morning, when that gentleman brought in here as a report, a lengthy, to a proposition to strike out the word "white" elaborate argument, which might have applied from the constitution now and at once, but had which I presented to this body. My proposition no application whatever to the proposition was a simple resolution that the question should "white" should be stricken out of the constitube submitted to the people whether the word

tion.

elaborate argument, of which I had no knowlThe gentleman comes in here with a most horrible dangers which would result to the peoedge whatever, setting forth the wonderful and ple if the Constitution should be so amended, and incorporating into the very body of his report some lengthy speech which he or some one else made upon some other occasion, and which he endorses, with all it contains. I was taken completely by surprise. I understood the gentleman, and others of the committee, I am sure, so understood him, as concurring in the policy