THE CAPITOL AND CITY OF WASHINGTON IN 1861; NIGHT VIEW FROM THE OLD NAVY YARD. (See Explanatory Note page 137).

and marshals that it could hardly be seen from the street. Troops, regulars and volunteers, not only marched in the procession but detachments were posted at frequent intervals along Pennsylvania Avenue, from the White House to the Capitol; and I remember to have seen several batteries of field artillery ready for action in the vicinity of the Treasury building before the procession was formed. As the Presidential carriage passed the position I occupied, I could distinctly see Mr. Buchanan, who sat upright very grave and silent as if deeply absorbed by somber thoughts, but I was unable, from his somewhat lounging posture, to see the face of Mr. Lincoln, though I stood above the level of his head and of the mounted men who surrounded him. The Avenue was thronged with people, yet very little enthusiasm was evoked, while from the procession was absent, be it noted, any representatives from 616,000 square miles of the territory of the United States whose numerous people had just severed political relations with the Government about to be installed. Taking the constitutional oath of office and delivering the address that had come to be usual on such occasions, Mr. Lincoln spoke gravely, eloquently, under the influence evidently of strong emotion, and animated by lofty aims, neverthless there is nothing in the language of that address to show that Mr. Lincoln any more than the other ablest statesman of his party, comprehended that the country of which he stood that day the Chief Magistrate, was like unto "a drift log on the Ocean of Accident."

NOTE. In the picture upon the preceding page Mr. Davis gives us an entirely new and authentic view of the Capitol and City of Washington, taken from the old Navy Yard at night in 1861, and never before published. On the extreme left may be seen the long bridge that joins Maryland Avenue near the unfinished Washington monument-dimly recognized through the mist; immediately to the right of it is the Smithsonian, while back and to the right, a principal group of buildings comprise the Treasury, War, Navy, and Executive Mansion; still to the right are the Post Office and Patent Office. The prominent building discerned between this group and the Capitol, is the Old Coast Survey. The East and South front of the Capitol is presented to the eye, and we believe, for the first time given prominence pictorially. The Navy Yard is in the near view with its ship-houses and workshops, and with the Pensacola, on which work was being pushed by night and day shifts of men. Different New York Militia Regiments were quartered at this old Navy Yard during the early period of the war, which was located on the eastern branch of the Potomac. At the end of the point of land jutting to the left from the Navy Yard is the Washington Arsenal, to the right of which is the Penitentiary, which visitors will remember as being at the foot of 43 Street. Here Booth and his four co-conspirators met their fate. Between the Penitentiary and the Navy Yard is the Old Tobacco Warehouse. Far in the distance may be seen vaguely the heights of Georgetown; and in the foreground the steamship Harriet Lane.-EDITOR.

CINCINNATI WITH THE WAR FEVER, 1861

Geographically, Cincinnati is a northern city. Prior to 1861 nearly every element in its composition classed it as a southern rather than a northern city. Various causes led to this. Large numbers of the earlier settlers were from the South. Many of the leading families came from Virginia and Kentucky, and their descendants growing up, were united by ties of blood with the residents of these and other southern states. Then very many of the business men of Cincinnati, prior to 1861, resided with their families across the Ohio River in the neighboring cities of Kentucky-Covington and Newport, which were in fact simply large suburbs of Cincinnati. The great bulk of the trade of the city was with the South. Southern produce was extensively dealt in by many of the merchants to the exclusion of everything else, and Cincinnati manufacturers depended for their main market upon southern patronage. The numerous products of the hog, for which this city was famed, were shipped to all southern states, both by rail and river, and thus not only by ties of blood but by intimate business relations Cincinnati was united to the South prior to 1861.

Among the leading men of the city could be found many apologists for the South and for her "peculiar institution," and many there were who defended the right of the South to visit with violence any attempt on the part of northern men to interfere with slavery in any of its phases. As early as 1836, one of the most violent mob outbreaks occurred against the negroes in the western part of Cincinnati, whereby several colored families were burned out of house and home. The same year James G. Birney's office of the Philanthropist, an anti-slavery newspaper and printing establishment, was broken into by the mob, and its contents, presses, type and office furniture destroyed, the larger articles thrown into the river and never recovered. Mr. Birney was driven from the city to Buffalo, New York. Trouble between the different classes of citizens occurred at periodical intervals from time to time up to 1861, resulting in several attacks on the negro residents of the city. This was owing in part to the large foreign population of Cincinnati, and to the floating element from Kentucky surging over the border, bent on mischief. Public sentiment of the city was against any agitation calling in question any rights of the slaveholders and loudly against any restrictions of the same under the laws. Compromise was the order of the day, and any reasonable settlement of

the slave question satisfactory to the South would have met with hearty accord in Cincinnati, so that nothing was done to injure the trade of the city through its merchants with the South. The Democratic party was largely in the majority at the polls, and as late as 1861 this party elected a violent ultra party-man as mayor of the city; and when, in the month of March, 1862, Wendell Phillips was mobbed at Pike's Opera House, the finest hall in Cincinnati, driven from the stage and waited for in the streets to be "strung up" by a howling anti-abolition mob, this same mayor refused to permit the police to appear and aid in suppressing the riot.

On the other hand, Hon. W. L. Yancey, of Alabama, in October, 1860, delivered in this same Opera House, in the presence of over three thousand people, a bitter tirade against the Government, the northern people and abolitionists generally, presenting, in a speech of over two hours, the slaveholder's position in the most audacious and arrogant demands, with open threats as the result of non-compliance with the requirements of the South, and avowed sentiments of disloyalty. Not a voice was raised in the entire audience against any one of Mr. Yancey's threats or theories.

This feeling among the better classes, especially the merchants and manufacturers, was not one of fear of any open outbreak resulting in personal harm to them, or of any injury to the city, but arose from the desire to protect the business interests that would suffer from the results of carrying out the warlike threats of the Southerners. Even the close proximity of the city to Kentucky caused no fear that any disaster would overtake it, by reason of overt acts of treason on the part of the "Fire-eaters" of the South. Southern bluster was nothing new to them. Many conventions had been held in years gone past in which the representative men of the South were accorded an attentive hearing. It is true that on these occasions there was frequently a very considerable amount of "gush," both from residents of the city and from the visiting guests. This was especially the case in gatherings of delegations from the states of Kentucky and Tennessee, invited to the city, that the pet project of Cincinnati might be successfully presented, viz.: The building of the railroad through these states which was to increase the facilities for trade to a still greater degree with the South, and which was to be the potent factor in the development of the resources of the South, thereby resulting in good to both. But the feeling of dread of personal harm, or of the destruction of the city, owing to its exposed situation, did not enter into the minds of the residents of the place. The desire was simply to protect the "pocket nerve." The cannon that opened upon Sumter on April 12, 1861, swept all thoughts of trade and money-getting as completely from the minds of the

citizens of Cincinnati as in any northern city of the Union. No city of the North was more decided and pronounced, upon the receipt of the first news of the attack upon the flag, that the insult should be avenged, than Cincinnati. Rumors had for days been floating in the air that an attack on the forces under Major Anderson, hemmed in on the island fort, floating the old flag, was threatened. "The wish was father to the thought," that this would end in words, and every dispatch received that encouraged this wish was hailed with cheers, when read by the assembled crowds. around the bulletin boards. The following incidents indicate the temper of the people at that time in Cincinnati. On April 5, only one week before the attack, three pieces of cannon, with accoutrements complete, manufactured at Baltimore, passed through the city, without question, en route for Jackson, Mississippi, marked for the "Southern Confederacy." Incredible as it may now appear, only the day before that 4th of April a negro slave was remanded into the custody of his master by a United States Commissioner in this city, to be taken back to Virginia as a chattel of the Old Dominion.

The first authentic dispatch reached Cincinnati Friday evening the 12th, and was posted on the bulletin boards a little before nine o'clock. The crowds around the newspaper and telegraph offices at once took the news and spread it to the outlying portions of the city, so that by midnight the attack on Sumter was known throughout the town. Immense concourses of excited people surged around these offices until after midnight, waiting for additional news. With the early dawn of the 13th, the streets began to fill, and around these centers of news the masses grew so dense that it was impossible to pass. The sidewalks were blocked and the streets taken up by the waiting multitudes. It was as of old, "The people waited for the moving of the waters," and now the cry went up for a leader to direct and control the impulse of the hour. Not a voice in the vast throng of the populace was heard but that the South should pay dearly for the insult to the flag, and that South Carolina should the most of all; that the duty of every man of the North was to his country to this end, and every dollar needed to accomplish this object should be expended. Business was almost suspended-the young men being up town after the news and consulting with friends in reference to hurrying "off for the war." There was no talk of trade and no question of compromise. Every one was eager to aid in wiping out the insult to the flag, which was felt to be a personal disgrace to all. The thought that pulsated through the masses was, what did the Administration contemplate doing, what would the leaders say, and how would President Lincoln act? But little