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The democratic party, in the spring of 1848, held a national convention for the nomination of candidates for president and vice-president. The convention met at Baltimore, on the 22d of May, and for several days labored carnestly to fix upon names which should command the confidence of the majority of the people. The "hunkers" and "barnburners" sent delegates from New York, both claiming to represent the democracy of the empire state; both were admitted; but, as this only neutralized the vote of that state, both declined to take their seats, and New York, consequently, had no share in the work of the convention. On the fourth ballot, General Lewis Cass was selected as the candidate of the party for the presidency, and General William O. Butler, of Kentucky, was subsequently chosen as its candidate for the vice-presidency.*

The national convention of the whigs assembled, on the 7th of June, at Philadelphia, and spent two or three days in making a choice out of the number of prominent candidates before them. Daniel Webster and Henry Clay, both statesmen of high rank, were passed over-as was also General Scott; and

* That portion of the party who were dissatisfied with this result, held a convention at Utica, and nominated Martin Van Buren for president. The "freesoil party," consisting mainly of the abolitionists, held a convention at Buffalo, in August. Mr. Van Buren was adopted as their candidate for the presidency, and Charles Francis Adams as their candidate for the vicepresidency.

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The election took place in November, and resulted as follows. General Taylor and Millard Fillmore received each one hundred and ninety-three votes, and were consequently elected president and vice-president. Generals Cass and Butler, received each one hundred and twenty-seven votes. The 1845. "free-soil" candidates did not receive any of the electoral votes, as they were given by the states; but the popular vote shows their relative strength, and that of the other two parties, thus:the votes given for Taylor were, a million three hundred and sixty-two thousand and twenty-four; those for Cass, a million two hundred and twenty-two thousand four hundred and nineteen; and those for Van Buren, two hundred and ninety-one thousand six hundred and seventy-eight; and above five thousand other votes were "scattered" and lost. Hence it is quite possible, that, had the Baltimore Convention given general satisfaction to the democratic party, its candidates might have been elected to the high offices on which their aspirations were fixed. "The result of the election," as Senator Benton well says, "was not without its moral and its instruction. All the long intrigues to govern it had miscarried. None of the architects of annexation, or of war, were elected. A victorious general overshadowed them all; and those who had considered

CH. VI.]

more to the strength and wealth of the nation, than any which have preceded them since the adoption of the Constitution."

Having expressed himself in favor of the extension of the Missouri compromise line, from the western border of Texas to the Pacific Ocean, which in fact would have been decidedly to the advantage of the south and of those who favored the extension of slave territory, Mr. Polk gave an account of the finances of the government. The last year's receipts, it was stated, had fallen little short of $35,500,000; whilst the expenditure had mounted up to nearly $43,000,000. But the receipts of the next year were estimated at above $57,000,000; and the total expenditures at nearly $3,000,000 less: and hopes were held out that the ordinary peace expenditure would not amount to so much as $29,000,000. After speaking in high terms of the new tariff, the public debt was mentioned, and the amount was stated to be $65,778,450. Other topics received attention, as the post-office, the "American system," the veto power, etc., and the message closed with an invocation of God's blessing upon the deliberations of Congress, that so they might "redound to the happiness, the honor, and the glory of our beloved country.

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ment. The want of harmony, however, between the Senate and the House on the subject of the "Wilmot proviso," the former being opposed, the latter being decidedly in favor of this proviso, prevented all effective legislation with regard to the new regions of territory belonging to the United States.* Mr. Douglas gave as his reasons for introducing his bill that the population had increased so rapidly, there was no reason to wait for the usual forms of procedure. But though both Louisiana and Texas were cited as precedents, the judiciary committee reported, on the 9th of January, against the scheme; whereupon the Illinois Senator drew a new bill, in accordance with the intimation of the committee, and by it proposed to establish both New Mexico and California as new states at once, and to leave the inhabitants of them to determine whether or not to allow slavery there for themselves; but this plan met with no more favor than the former, or than three other bills, all devised for the solution of the difficulty. On the 2d of February, the motion to take it from the table was negatived by a very decided vote.

1849.

There being no probability of passing a bill for the organization of the new territories, Mr. Walker, of Wis

1848.

consin, on the 29th of February, introduced into the Senate an amendment to the civil and diplomatic appropriation bill, providing for the extension of the revenue laws over California and New Mexico, and also the Constitution of the United States, with all general laws applicable to the case; which having been adopted by a small majority, the House further amended the bill, by adding to it the favorite "Wilmot proviso." Fresh debate arose upon this phase of the affair, and the original measure was in imminent hazard of not being carried at all, to the jeopardy of the public service. But at length, at five o'clock on Sunday morning, March the 4th, 1849,—the Senate having been kept from breaking up by the tact and influence of Daniel Webster,-both Houses withdrew their amendments, and the bill passed; the Senate at the same time passing the bill for extending the revenue laws to California, which had already been adopted by the House. Thus everything failed in relation to the establishing a temporary government for California and New Mexico.

Among the principal acts of the session may be mentioned, the establishing a territorial government for Minnesota; the making arrangements for the seventh census; the organization of the department of the interior, and the appointment of an assistant secretary of state; the running and marking off the northern boundary of the state of Iowa; and a resolution authorizing the secretary of war to furnish emigrants to Oregon, California, and New Mexico, with suitable arms and ammunition. We

e may also note here, that a conven

tion or treaty between the United States and Great Britain, for the improvement of the postal communications between the territories of the two parties, was signed in London on the 15th of December, 1848. The Senate confirmed the treaty on the 5th of January, 1849.

The steady perseverance of those who wished to effect the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, rather alarmed the southern members of Congress, and they determined to hold a convention in relation to this topic, so as to discuss and fix upon the course which they ought to adopt in the existing state of affairs. Accord ingly, sixty-eight members of Congress assembled in the Senate chamber, on the 23d of December, 1848, and Senator Metcalfe of Kentucky, presided.

A series of resolutions, based on the Virginia resolutions of 1798, were introduced by T. H. Bayley, of Virginia, and referred to a committee; and, on the 15th of January, Mr. Calhoun, in behalf of the committee, reported an “Address of the Southern Delegates to their Constituents," which, after reciting the constitutional provisions respecting slavery, and the alleged violations of the constitutional rights of the slave states by the northern or free states, called upon the south to present a united and immovable front, and to be ready to defend their rights. Nearly ninety members attended this second meeting, and at a third meeting, on January the 22d, a smaller number being present, Mr. Calhoun's address was adopted, in preference to one "to the People of the United States,” sub

1849.

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mitted as a substitute for it, by John M. Berrien, of Georgia, and was signed by forty-eight members, forty-six being democrats and only two being whigs.

The discovery and the importance of the gold region on the shores of the Pacific, gave rise to various schemes for establishing railroad communication between the eastern and western territory of our republic. Several plans were brought forward in Congress; but the only one that received attention, was that which contemplated a railroad across the Isthmus of Panama, so as to reduce the distance to California from the Atlantic states, from some seventeen thousand miles (which was the distance by way of Cape Horn), to less than six thousand miles. The bill which Mr. Benton brought forward in the Senate, to accomplish this object, did not receive the support of the majority in that body. The overland route also, though the distance was much less, was not considered at all practicable at this date.

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of Mr. Polk's administration were the faults of his cabinet; the merits of it were all his own. "The Mexican war, under the impulse of speculators, and upon an intrigue of Santa Anna, was the great blot upon his administration; and that was wholly the work of the intriguing part of his cabinet. . . . The acquisition of New Mexico and California were the distinguishing events of his administration-fruits of the war with Mexico; but which would have come to the United States without that war, if the president had been surrounded by a cabinet free from intrigue and selfishness, and wholly intent upon the honor and interest of the country." We shall not, however, in this place undertake any review of the measures of Mr. Polk and his advisers during the four years of his presidency. For reasons which have been already stated, we do not feel called upon here to express any opinion as to the due meed of praise or censure which belongs to him and his acts. We leave him to the judgment of posterity.*

* In this connection, we may refer the reader to the Hon. Lucien B. Chase's "History of the Polk Adminis

shown entire impartiality and fairness, and as his volume is full of documentary matter, the reader may consult it to advantage. We also place on record here the death of Mr. Polk, which took place at Nashville, Tennessee, June 15th, 1849.