590

TESTIMONY OF THE PRESIDENTS.

[CHAP. XIV. "every emissary of every one of these sects" would "find a party here already formed to give him a cordial reception." This appears as a casual expression in one of its author's usual rambling letters, but none the less, we suppose, does it express his real belief.

Mr. Jefferson's opinions require no citation.

Mr. Madison was chary of unnecessarily putting offensive declarations on paper. He is well known to have concurred in Jefferson's opinion on this subject, and that fact could now, were it necessary, be amply proved by the evidence of his surviving friends. If his private political letters to Jefferson were extant, we should undoubtedly have abundant written evidence of that fact. He drafted the Virginia Resolutions of 1798, which declared that the "inevitable" result of the measures against which those resolutions were directed was to "transform the present Republican system of the United States into an absolute or at best a mixed monarchy." He has already been quoted (in Appendix 9) as saying that Hamilton "made no secret" of his mouarchical views in the Convention of 1787, "or afterwards."

The fifth President, Mr. Monroe, has left a long and deliberate expression on this topic. His conceded coolness and candor, his moderation towards opponents, and his speaking on the evidence of facts occurring within his own knowledge and observation, entitle his testimony to transcription at considerable length. He wrote to General Jackson, December 14th, 1816:

"We have heretofore been divided into two great parties. That some of the leaders of the Federal party entertained principles unfriendly to our system of government, I have been thoroughly convinced; and that they meant to work a change in it by taking advantage of favorable circumstances, I am equally satisfied. It happened that I was a member of Congress under the Confederation, just before the change made by the adoption of the present Constitution; and afterwards of the Senate, beginning shortly after its adoption. In the former I served three years, and in the latter rather a longer term. In these stations I saw indications of the kind suggested. It was an epoch at which the views of men were most likely to unfold themselves, as, if anything favorable to a higher toned government was to be obtained, that was the time. The movement in France tended, also, then, to test the opinions and principles of men, which was disclosed in a manner to leave no doubt on my mind of what I have suggested. No daring attempt was ever made, because there was no opportunity for it. I thought that Washington was opposed to their schemes, and not being able to take him with them, that they were forced to work, in regard to him, under-handed, using his name and standing

"UAP. XIV.]

TESTIMONY OF THE PRESIDENTS.

591

with the nation, as far as circumstances permitted, to serve their purposes The opposition, which was carried on with great firmness, checked the career of this party, and kept it within moderate limits. Many of the circumstances on which my opinion is founded, took place in debate and in society, and therefore find no place in any public document. I am satisfied, however, that sufficient proof exists, founded on facts and opinions of distinguished individuals, which became public to justify that which I had formed.

"The contest between the parties never ceased from its commencement to the present time. nor do I think it can be said now to have ceased. You saw the height to which the opposition was carried in the late war; the embarrassment it gave the Government; the aid it gave to the enemy. The victory at New Orleans, for which we owe so much to you, and to the gallant freemen who fought under you, and the honorable peace which took place at that time, have checked the opposition, if they have not overwhelmed it. I may add that the daring measure of the Hartford Convention, which unfolded views which had been long before entertained, but never so fully understood, contributed, also, in an eminent degree, to reduce the opposition to its present state.

"My candid opinion is that the dangerous purposes I have adverted to, were never adopted, if they were known, especially in their full extent, by any large portion of the Federal party, but were confined to certain leaders, and they principally to the Eastward. The manly and patriotic conduct of a great proportion of that party in the other States, I might perhaps say all who had an opportunity of displaying it, is a convincing proof this fact."

John Quincy Adams was born and brought up among, and was long the associate of, those Federal leaders in New England who rested particularly under the imputation of being monarchists. Mr. Adams ought to have known the New England character and modes of exhibiting opinion too well to be deceived. In his review of the Works of Fisher Ames (1809), he said:

"He [Ames's biographer] tells us that Mr. Ames was emphatically a Republican -but that he considered a republic and a democracy as essentially distinct and opposite. Probably this was the state of his opinions at one period of his life— but in his latter days, when the English fascinations and the French antipathies had attained their uncontrolled ascendency over his mind, he appears to have had as little esteem for a republican government as for the American people. It is not to a democracy, but to a republic, that he compares the essential rottenness of the white birch stakes, in one of the above extracts. In short, he was too thoroughly Britonized to preserve a relish for anything republican; and in the paper last published before his decease, contained in this volume, he says in express terms, that the immortal spirit of the wood-nymph liberty, dwells only in the British oak.'

"There is indeed one point of view in which the publication of these [Mr. Ames's] letters will be serviceable to the public. They have discovered beyond all contra diction and denial, the real fundamental principles of that political sect which has btained the control of our State administration, and which for the last two years

592

TESTIMONY OF THE PRESIDENTS.

[CHAP. XIV.

has been driving with such furious zeal to a dissolution of the Union-combined with an alliance, offensive and defensive, with Great Britain.

"The last half of this volume might be denominated. the political bible of the junto. If there be a reflecting man in any of our sister States, not infected with the scab of this political leprosy, who has any doubt what the junto principles really are, let him attentively read that part of this volume which has never before been published. Here he will find those principles which they have heretofore circulated in whispers among themselves, and denied when charged with them in public; which in their secret conclaves they profess as articles of faith, and which in their public manifestoes they repel with indignation as slanderous aspersions.

"The floods of sarcasm and invective which have gushed upon him [Jefferson], for his repeated references to the umpirage of reason, are universally known; and this sagacious mirth might be indulged as harmless, were it not inseparably connected with a political system."

"Had these been merely the errors of Mr. Ames, I would have lamented in silence the indiscretion of his friends, in exposing them to the world, and suffered them to perish by the natural decays of their own absurdity. But they are not the wanderings of Mr. Ames's imagination. They are the principles of a faction which has succeeded in obtaining the management of this commonwealth, and which aspired to the government of the Union. Defeated in this last object of their ambition, and sensible that the engines by which they have attained the mastery of the State are not sufficiently comprehensive, nor enough within their control to wield the machinery of the nation, their next resort was to dismember what they could not sway, and to form a new confederacy, to be under the glorious shelter of British protection. To prepare the public mind for changes so abhorrent to the temper and character of our people, the doctrines with which this volume teems were to be ushered into public view whenever a prospect for their favorable reception might appear."

Equally pointed asseverations, by President Adams, of a monarchical party as much in design as in theory, might be extended over pages.

The seventh President, General Jackson, wrote Mr. Monroe, January 6th, 1817, in answer to that letter of the latter which we have already quoted:

"I have read with much satisfaction that part of your letter on the rise, progress, and policy of the Federalists It is, in my opinion, a just exposition. I am free to declare, had I commanded the military department where the Hartford Convention met, if it had been the last act of my life, I should have punished the three principal leaders of the party. I am certain an independent court-martial would have condemned them under the 2d section of the act establishing rules and regulations for the government of the army of the United States. These kind of men, although called Federalists, are really monarchists and raitors to the constituted government. But I am of opinion that there are men called

1 Mr. Adams thus charactered the Ultra Federal leaders of Massachusetts.

CHAP. XIV.]

TESTIMONY OF THE PRESIDENTS.

593

Federalists that are honest, virtuous, and really attached to our government, and, although they differ in many respects and opinions with the Republicans, still they will risk everything in its defence."

It is not claimed that this array of coinciding testimony and belief (which might be swelled to volumes), impairs any one's right to question the soundness of Jefferson's opinions. Men have the legal right, we suppose, to disbelieve everything, even to the admissions of accused men! But it may at least be hoped that henceforth the impression will not be conveyed, either by direct false statements, or by omissions as false in their object, that Jefferson exhibited eccentricity of views, temper. or conduct, in any particular, in regard to this subject.

VOL 1-88

CHAPTER XV.

1790-1791.

Construction of the President's Cabinet-Colonel Hamilton-General Knox--Edmund Randolph-Cabinet politically "balanced "-How far otherwise balanced-Its Mode of doing Business-Washington's Motives in balancing between Parties-Plan worked smoothly for a Time-The Funding Bill-Madison's Course-Consequences of the Funding Bill-The Assumption-How forced through-The Public Loss by it-Jefferson's Letters to France-Views on the French Constitution-Reports and Cabinet Opinions— Illness-Bill to protect Virginia and North Carolina Soldiers-Swindling-Free Commerce a Natural Right-Threatened Rupture between England and Spain-Jefferson's Instructions to our Spanish Minister-To our French Minister-Conduct of Spain towards the United States-Instructions to our English Diplomatic Agent-Jefferson's Report to Congress-Uniformity of the Coinage, Weights and Measures-Accompanies President to Rhode Island-Cabinet Questions in regard to Lord Dorchester-Jefferson's Answer-Hamilton's-President concurred with Jefferson-Jefferson visits Home-Nine Letters to his Daughters-Energetic Advice to President on English Affairs-His Advice adopted-Import and Excise Bill-Symptoms of Public Dissatisfaction-Madison's Course and Motives-United States Bank Bill passed-Cabinet Opinions on it-President's Motives for signing it-Came near vetoing it-Jefferson's Letter to Mason-His Account of the Division of Parties-His Opinions of Hamilton and Adams--Sources of Difference between Jefferson and Hamilton-Manners-Interference in Congressional Affairs -Hamilton's present Success-His different Classes of Adherents-The Bank Mania-Adulation-Ames to Hamilton-Hamilton the Dispenser-His Freedom from VenalityJefferson declares him a Monarchist-That he favored a Government "bottomed on Corruption "What was meant by the Last Charge-" Corruptions of British Constitution "--Character of Hamilton's Mind-His Lack of Originality-Copied his entire System from England-Not a Wise Man in Practice --All his Structures have perished-Defeated his own Ends by Overaction-Could have preserved a Moderately Consolidated Government-Was a Theorist and a Projector-Was an able Executive Man-The Qualities which conspired to produce this-He was earnest and honest in his Principles -Comparative Frequency of such men as Jefferson and Hamilton.

WHEN Mr. Jefferson took his place in President Washington's Cabinet, in March 1790, as Secretary of State, he found the following colleagues already acting in the other departments :Colonel Alexander Hamilton, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury; General Henry Knox, of Massachusetts, Secretary of War; Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, Attorney-General.'

These, we hardly need to say, were all the Executive departments then created, ex cept the Fostmaster-General's, and he was not then included in the Cabinet.