by the same time-standard that marks the improvements of older people, and increase of population in advanced periods of human society. British India is now moving on in its course with consi. derable rapidity, nor will the puny efforts of the Company, or its servants, be able to stop, or materially retard, a career which, on the other hand, is accelerated even now, and will become much more so, presently, by the overdone condition of universal England -the redundancy of capital-redundancy of population-redundancy of public burdens and public unredeemable debts. In a thriving colony, twenty or thirty years do as much work as a century in an old country. He that has been absent from India for thirty years is probably about as ill qualified to form an accurate notion of its present political and statistical position, its administra tion, the habits of public men and of society, or the feelings of the various classes of inhabitants, as "THE SPECTATOR" would be, if he had to rise, and write, at this day, a "Hermit in London." If we apply this observation to our Indian system, it will not be difficult to find a clue to much of the strange matter that is put forth from time to time about India. The remark that there is no public in India was felt-bitterly felt to be without foundation; but it was believed to be of a sort still current in Leadenhallstreet.

89. In the third place, we come to the European part of the nonexistent public of India. It is composed, we are told, of soldiers, officers, King's and Company's, and of civil servants, besides a scum of inferior persons engaged in the law, in trade, shipping, or handicrafts, only residing in India by sufferance (the badge it seems of all this tribe). It is asked, with a sort of triumph, silly enough, considering the unlooked-for answer that may be given-Whether a greater absurdity can be imagined, than that of a government being controlled by its own servants, or those whose existence almost depends on its favor?

90. Now, in the first place, we might well deny much of the premises in this formidable looking argument; we might deny that a gentleman or nobleman, holding a commission in His Majesty's service, and stationed in this or that particular part of the King's dominions, forfeits the smallest tittle of his right to have and to deliver opinions (under responsibility) touching the conduct of the colonial government. If he can do this at home; if he can sit in Parliament, and oppose the King's domestic administration, can he not do so of a subordinate government ? In like manner we deny that the liability to be tyrannically seized and transported, however it may intimidate, can be said to take away the legal right of a lawyer, a trader, nay of a Company's servant of any class, to judge, speak, or write as he thinks fit (under responsibility to law) of the

local government. But, waving all these important doubts, let us grapple with the main position, that it is absurd to suppose a government "controlled" by its servants and dependents.

91. The sophism involved in this question lies altogether in the significant meaning artfully given to "CONTROL." If, indeed, by that were necessarily meant a PUBLIC and formal power, exercised by the servants of out-voting their master, or an authority vested in avowed dependents of OPENLY censuring or putting their veto on the acts of their benefactor, unquestionably this would be quite as absurd, as it is meant to be thought by those to whom it is thus adroitly put, in the hope that they will not detect the trick. But there is a wide difference, indeed, between DIRECT and INDIRECT control; as between power and influence; or between force and persuasion. The Press everywhere does undoubtedly CONTROL in one sense, because it influences the measures of governments, either by shaming or convincing; but does the Press-can it coNTROL the operations of governments in the same sense that parliaments or courts control executive authority? Yet in this unworthy confusion of terms-this affecting to employ the same word used by an adversary, but employing it in a sense that was not, and could not possibly be meant, lies the entire force of this stupidly-triumphant question, and of the reasoning derived from it! So we are told with affectation of philosophical phraseology, that we should not apply the institutions of a highly civilised state to a less advanced state of society, as if there was question about FORCING the uncivilised to use the Press, to print, or write, or even read! or as if it were any good reason why those who are sufficiently advan ced should not use the Press if they choose-that numbers of their countrymen are still unable to profit by or use it!

92. The very essence of a free Press in all countries consists in the liberty of anonymous writing in matters of opinion or reasoning, and also in statements of fact, subject always to rigorous legal responsibility for every thing that is published. Take away the privilege of writing anonymously, and things will be no better than under the favorite system of "official channels" of complaint, although, therefore, it would be absurd to suppose a servant should publicly and avowedly arraign the measures of government, or the (assumed) delinquency of a superior; yet so far from being preposterous or inexpedient that public servants should censure anonymously the measures or actions of any, whether above or below themselves, it is, in fact, a thing extremely to be desired; first, because the DIGNITY of government, which might be thought compromised if it were arraigned by its own servants, is effectually saved by the anonymousness: secondly, because all it has to think of in this case is not, who wrote? but what is written? thirdly,

because none can be so fit and qualified to judge of public measures and public men as that very class who are solely employed in public affairs from their infancy, and who are eulogised in the strongest terms by Governor Adam (himself one of their number) for their capacity and distinguished qualities. But, at any rate, we should think the Directors at home ought to be very glad to get servants of so much experience and ability to write (anonymously in the public prints, seeing that in no other conceivable way could the Directors so well discover what was doing-what was not doingand what ought to be doing by their stewards and servants abroad. 93. But if it is proved to be innocent and even expedient that the Company's civil servants should apply themselves to influence the acts of Government, and their fellow servants, through the Press, (provided always they do so under the decorous garb of anonymousness,) it is needless to go further and prove that the servum pecus, the canaille, of men of traffic,-law,-handicraft, &c. may use the Press with still more propriety than the Company's own servants (provided always they do it in a respectfully anonymous way, as in duty bound towards those who claim to be as the breath of their nostrils). Probably, however, communications of this inferior class will not be likely to'prove very useful to a government of such high pretensions to infallibility.

94. And is there then, no European "public" in the great presidential cities of India? It was not thought so of old, when they assembled in their town halls, or their churches, built by subscription, to lend their weight in support of measures or men favored by the government. There they petitioned the crown, in despite of Sir Elijah Impey and his brethren; unsuccessfully petitioned indeed to have their juries restored in civil suits; when they voted addresses and money to Warren Hastings, though under the ban of Parliament; when they subscribed to loyalty loans and contributions in 1798; when they addressed the late King on Hatfield's attempting his life, and other occasions; when they complimented every possible governor or commander, in coming and going; formally approved Lord Wellesley's political plans, and Sir Arthur Wellesley's military conduct; when they formed themselves into Missionary Societies-Bible Societies-Tract Societies -Native Education Societies-School Book Societies-Agricultural, and Horticultural, and Literary Societies-Companies for clearing single Tracts-building Theatres, &c. &c.; when they came forward to assist in the preservation of order and save expense, by forming unpaid Magistracies; when they set up Orphan Schools -Hospitals-Dispensaries-and similar institutions; when they were called to receive (as an acknowledged public) from Lord Hastings a compte rendu of the greatest political and military ope

rations ever undertaken in India; when they hailed the liberation of the Press in speeches and addresses, and, in short, did every thing which a public, not actually holding any share in the govern ment or legislation could well do, to prove its existence.

95. Times indeed are somewhat changed within the last few years, every thing thus savoring of free institutions is now carefully and jealously put down-the Press is destroyed; and the Supreme Court, an independent and royal court of judicature, has not scrupled to rivet the fetters of publicity, and to accept at the hands of Government, which this tribunal was instituted to check, a scandalous immunity against free scrutiny and remark on the conduct and opinions of the Judges!! a thing as yet unparalleled in the annals of British justice elsewhere. The privileges of the inhabitants have been variously curtailed in the control over the public Charity-fund, which the Government have handed over to a close self-selected vestry; and in the abolition of their ancient right as a Grand Jury to assess their own house-tax.

96. But in the midst of these mutations, all of which are in the same spirit, favorable to power and against the community, it is somewhat consoling to observe that the noble privilege of voting agreeable addresses remains unimpaired, provided always that things be done with the ceremonial prescribed by jealousy to take away real freedom of speech and opinion, while preserving all the appearances to the world of perfect independence. Since the epoch when the "public" voice was solemnly declared in print, by Governor Adam, to have no existence, legal or actual, this very same unreal mockery of a public appears to have rewarded (or ridiculed) that illustrious declarant, by voting him empty compli ments and a substantial picture. The same shadowy body has also performed the usual Ko-Tou before the shrine of the new ruler of their destinies; and another section of this phantomthe non-existing public-has even gone so far (headed indeed by a Major-General on the staff) as to congratulate Governor Adam, and itself, on his triumphant completion of the work, he had long it seems meditated, of crushing the last remnant of free opinion, and crowning it by a sacrifice-not indeed of himself but of a defenceless individual, his family, and prospects, which are all reduced to ruin by Mr. Adam's act! This temporary governor is not ashamed to take part in this despicable comedy; he affects to consider this addressing, but non-existing, public, of military sta tion, headed by their general, as an honest independent body "daring to be honest in the worst of times." He answers-admitting their right to approve and disapprove political acts, coquets as to his own merits, and finally allows that he deserves that praise they are so well qualified to bestow! True it is that all this con

sistent stuff has recently been exchanged between these personages; and to complete the humor of the thing, it is all carefully sent to the English newspapers by some officious person or other, just as the discussions are coming on. But injudicious friends would do well to learn, that similar addresses are utterly valueless, and below contempt, in a community where all hold actually and prospectively, at the will of the person addressed; and the reason is, precisely because they are signed publicly. In such a country, anonymous praise is worth a wilderness of addressing major-generals, because good ground must be assigned for the good opinion, and the anonymous bepraiser cannot be suspected of interested motives. Herein lies the marked difference between a free and a servile community. It is only in the former that open praise is of value; in the latter all such is justly suspicious. What value in his heart can Governor Adam set upon the approval of those who, as he has written and printed, are not free to disapprove ?

SECTION V.-Conclusion, and connexion of the Press with colonisation.

98. The case, as originally proposed, is now closed. It is believed to be proved,

FIRST, that if the good of the great body of the governed be truly desired, it is quite indispensable they should be protected against the severity of the government, and misconduct of European and native servants.

SECONDLY, that as no INSTITUTIONS of any sort, independent of the government, exist in India, the only possible substitute is, the Press, which enables men freely and anonymously, but under severe legal responsibility, to intercommunicate their thoughts, and to exercise an indirect control and check on the measures of government, and the conduct of its servants.

THIRDLY, that none ought to have a greater interest in the operations of the Press than, 1st, The Indian Governments, who cannot possibly govern their immense regions without some such auxiliary to their direct superintendence. 2dly, The Court of Directors, who cannot otherwise know both sides of every story, or what is really going on abroad. 3dly, The Proprietary Body, who desire to review the acts of all their servants fully, at home and abroad.

FOURTHLY, that if this expression of public opinion through the Press be limited to England, it must necessarily be without EFFICACY, or even PERMANENT SAFETY to the common interests of the people of India and England.