following terms:-"The talents and virtues ADAMS, John, president of the Uni Oct. 19, 1785, O.S., or Oct. 30th, present style. His father, John, was a deacon of the church, a farmer, and a mechan of that great man were of the most exalt-ted States, was born at Braintree, Mass., ed, though not of the most showy kind. His love of his country, his exertions in her service through a long course of years, through the administrations of the gov-ic, and died May 25, 1761, aged 69; his ernors Shirley, Pownall, Bernard, Hutchinson, and Gage under the royal government and through the whole of the subsequent revolution and always in support of the same principles; his inflexible integrity, his disinterestedness, his invariable resolution, his sagacity, his patience, perseverance, and pure public virtue were not exceeded by any man in America. A collection of his writings would be as eurious as voluminous. It would throw light upon American history for fifty years. In it would be found specimens of a nervous simplicty of reasoning and eloquence, that have never been rivalled in America." grand father, Joseph, died Feb., 12, 1737, aged 82; his great grand father, Joseph, was born in England, and died at Braintree Dec. 6, 1697 aged 63; the father of this ancestor was Henry, who as the inscription on his monument, erected by John Adams, says, "took his flight from the Dragon persecution, in Devonshire, England, and alighted with eight sons near Mount Wollaston." Of these sons four removed to Medfield and the neighboring towns, and two to Chelmsford. The year of Henry's arrival at Braintree, now Quincy, is not known, but is supposed to be 1632; he died Oct. 8. 1646. John Adams, while a member of HarHis writings exist only in the perishable vard college, where he was graduated in columns of a newspaper or pamphlet. In 1755, was distinguished by diligence in his more advanced years, in the year his studies, by boldness of thought, and 1790, a few letters passed between him by the powers of his mind. While he and Mr. John Adams, then vice presi- studied law at Worcester with colonel dent of the United States, in which the James Putnam, an able lawyer in extenprinciples of government are discussed, sive practice, from 1755 to 1758, he and there seems to have been some differ-instructed pupils' in Latin and Greek, ence of sentiment between those eminent as the means of subsistence. At this earpatriots and statesmen, who had toiled ly period he had imbibed a prejudice together through the revolution. This against the prevailing religious opinions correspondence was published in 1800. of New England, and became attached to An oration, which Mr. Adams delivered speculations, hostile to those opinions. at the state house in Philadelphia Aug. 1, Nor were his views afterwards changed. 1776, was published. The object is to Perhaps the religious sentiments of most support American independence, the de-men become settled at as early a period claration of which by congress had been of their lives. If therefore the chermade a short time before. He opposes kingly government and hereditary succession with warmth and energy. Not long before his death he addressed a letter to Paine, expressing his disapprobation or that unbeliever's attempts to injure the cause of christianity.-Thacher's sermon; Sullivan's character of him in public papers; Polyanthos, iii. 73-82; Gordon, i. 347, 410; Brissot, Nouv. Voy. i. 151; Thacher's med. biog; Hutch. last Hist. 265; Eliot's biog. dict.; Ency. Amer. & Rees. ished views of christianity have any relation to practice and to one's destiny hereafter; with what sobriety, candor, and diligence and with what earnestness of prayer for light and guidance from above ought every young man to investigate revealed truth? In April 1756 he was deliberating as to his profession. Some friends advised him to study theology. In a few months afterwards he fixed upon the profession of law. He had not "the highest opinion of what is called orthodoxy." He had known a young man, worthy of the best parish, despised warrant for the discovery of goods not for being suspected of arminianism. He discharged from the parliamentary taxes. was more desirous of being an eminent, The affair was argued in Boston by Mr. honorable lawyer, than of "heading the Otis. Mr. Adams says, "every man of an whole army of orthodox preachers." In immense, crowded audience appeared to a letter to Dr. Morse in 1815 he says me to go away, as I did, ready to take arms "Sixty five years ago my own minister against writs of assistance."—"Then and Rev. Lemuel Bryant; Dr. Mayhew of there the child independence was born." the west church in Boston; Rev. Mr. In 1764 he married Abigail Smith, Shute of Hingham; Rev. John Brown daughter of Rev. William Smith of Weyof Cohasset; and perhaps equal to all, if mouth, and grand-daughter of Col. Quinnot above all, Rev. Mr. Gay of Hing-cy, a lady of uncommon endowments and ham were Unitarians. Among the laity excellent education.-In the next year he how many could I name, lawyers, physi- published an essay on Canon and Feudal cians, tradesmen, and farmers?-More than Law, reprinted at London in 1768, and 56 years ago I read Dr. S. Clarke, Em- at Philadelphia in 1788. His object was lyn, &c." to show the conspiracy between church and state for the purpose of oppressing the people. He wished to enlighten his fellow citizens, that they might prize their liberty and be ready, if necessary, to assert their rights by force. He removed to Boston in 1765, and there had extensive legal practice. In 1768 gov. Bernard offered him through his friend, Mr. Sewall, the place of advocate general in the court of admiralty, a lucrative post; but he decidedly declined the offer. He was not a man, thus to be In Oct. 1758 Mr. Adams presented himself a stranger,-poor & friendless,-to Jeremy Gridley, of Boston, attorney general of the crown, to ask of him the favor to offer him to the superior court of the province, then sitting, for admission to the bar. Mr. Gridley examined him in his office and recommended him to the court, and at the same time gave him excellent paternal advice. For his kindness Mr. Adams was ever grateful, and was afterwards his intimate personal and professional friend. As Mr. Gridley was grand-bribed to desert the cause of his country. master of the Massachusetts' grand lodge of Free Masons, Mr. Adams once asked his advice, whether it was worth his while to become a member of the society; the reply of the grand master was "No" adding, that he did not need the artificial support of the society, and that there was "nothing in the masonic institution, worthy of his seeking to be associated with it." In consequence of this advice he never sought admission to the lodge. The office was the same, which Mr. Otis had resigned in 1761 in order to oppose the writs of assistance. Yet Mr. Hutchinson states, that he was at a loss which side to take, and that the neglect of Bernard to make him a justice of the peace roused his patriotism! He adds: "his ambition was without bounds, and he has acknowledged to his acquaintance, that he could not look with complacency upon any man, who was in possession of more wealth, more honor, or more knowledge than himself." In 1769 he was chairman of the committee of the town of Boston for drawing up instructions to their representatives to resist the British Mr. Adams commenced the practice of the law at Quincy, then in the county of Suffolk, and soon had a sufficiency of lucrative business. In 1761 he was admitted to the degree of barrister at law. In this year a small estate became his by the encroachments. His colleagues were decease of his father. At this period his zeal for the rights of his country was inflamed by the attempt of the British cabinet to introduce in Massachusetts writs of assistance, a kind of general search R. Dana and Jos. Warren. These instructions were important links in the chain of revolutionary events.-In consequence of the affray with the British garrison March 5, 1770, in which several of the people of Boston were killed, the the signature of Novanglus, in answer to birds of the air rest on its branches. I A short review of them may be interesting, as they relate to a period immediately preceding the commencement of hostilities. In this controversy Mr. Sewall said; "I saw the small seed of sedition, In 1773 he wrote ably in the Boston when it was implanted; it was as a grain Gazette against the regulation, making of mustard. I have watched the plant, judges dependent for their salaries upon until it has become a great tree; the vithe crown. In 1773 and 1774 he was lest reptiles, that crawl upon the earth, chosen into the council by the assembly are concealed at the root; the foulest but negatived by the governor. To the struggle at this period between the house and the governor in respect to the council his friend, Sewall, pleasantly alludes thus: "we have sometimes seen half a dozen sail of tory navigation unable, on an election day, to pass the bar formed by the flux and reflux of the tides at the entrance of he maintained, that resistance to Great the harbor, and as many whiggish ones Britain would be unavailing. The milistranded the next morning on Gover- tia he considered undisciplined, & ungovnor's island."-June 17, 1774 he was ernable, each man being a politician, pufchosen by the assembly, together with fed up with his own opinion. "An exT. Cushing, S. Adams, and R. T. Paine, perienced British officer would rather to the first continental congress. To take his chance with five thousand BritSewall, who while they were attending ish troops, than fifty thousand such milithe court at Portland endeavored to dis- tia." The sea coast he regarded as totally suade him, in a morning walk on " the unprotected. Our trade, fishery, navigagreat hill," from accepting this appoint- tion, and maritime towns were liable to ment, he said; "the die is now cast: I be lost in a moment. The back settlehave passed the Rubicon: swim or sink, ments would fall a prey to the Canadians live or die, survive or perish with my and Indians. The British army would country is my unalterable determination." sweep all before it, like a whirlwind. BeThus he parted with his tory friend, nor sides, New England would probably be did he converse with him again till 1788. alone, unsupported by the other states. He took his seat in congress Sept. 5, Rebellion therefore would be the height 1774, and was on the committee, which of madness. In considering the reasons drew up the statement of the rights of for resistance he maintained, that the parthe colonies, and on that, which prepared liament had a right to pass a stamp-act, the address to the king. At this period in order that the colonies should bear a the members of congress generally were part of the national burden. Similar acts not determined on independence. It was thought,the British would relinquish their claims. He returned to Boston in November, and soon wrote the papers, with had been before passed. We had paid This nies must be distinct states. without questioning the right. Two inderight, he says, was first denied by the re-pendent authorities cannot co-exist. solves of the house of burgesses in Vir- The colonies have only power to regulate ginia. "We read them with wonder; their internal police, but are necessarily they savored of independence." The subject to the control of the supreme three-penny duty on tea, he thought, power of the state. Had any person deshould not be regarded as burdensome, nied 15 years ago, that the colonies were for the duty of a shilling, laid upon it for subject to the authority of parliament, he regulating trade, and therefore allowed would have been deemed a fool or a madto be constitutional, was taken off; so man. It was curious to trace the history that we were gainers ninepence in the of rebellion. When the stamp act was pound by the new regulation, which was passed, the right of parliament to impose designed to prevent smuggling and not internal taxes was denied, but the right to raise a revenue. The act declaratory to impose external ones, to lay duties on of the right to tax was of no consequence, goods and merchandize, was admitted. so long as there was no grievous exercise On the passage of the tea act a new disof it, especially as we had protested against tinction was set up; duties could be laid it and our assemblies had ten times re- for the regulation of trade but not for solved, that no such right existed. But raising a revenue; parliament could lay demagogues were interested in inflaming the former duty of a shilling a pound, but the minds of the people. The pul- not the present duty of three pence. pit also was a powerful engine in There was but one more step to indepenpromoting discontent.-Though the dence,-the denial of the right in parliasmall duty of three pence was to be paid ment to make any laws whatever, which by the East India company or their fac- should bind the colonies; and this step the tors on landing the tea, for the purpose pretended patriots had taken. Mr. Otis, of selling it at auction, and no one was the oracle of the whigs, in 1764 never obliged to purchase; yet the mob of Bos- thought of this. On the contrary he ton in disguise forcibly entered the three maintained in respect to the colonies, that ships of tea, split open the chests, and "the parliament has an undoubted power emptied the whole, 10,000 l. sterling in and lawful authority to make acts for the value, into the dock, "and perfumed the general good." Obedience, in his view, town with its fragrance." Yet zealous was a solemn duty. The original charter rebel merchants were every day importing of the colony exempted it from taxes for teas, subject to the same duty. The act a definite period, implying the right to interfered with their interest, not with tax afterwards. The grant of all the libthe welfare of the people. The blockade erties of natural subjects within the realm act against Boston was a just retaliatory of England affords no immunity from taxmeasure, because the body meeting, con-es. If a person, born in England, should trived merely as a screen to the town, remove to Ireland, or to Jersey, or Guernconsisting of thousands, had resolved, that sey, whence no member is sent to parliathe tea should not pay the duty. Now ment, he would be in the same predicasprung up from the brain of a partizan the ment with an emigrant to America; all "committee of correspondence”—“ the having the rights of natural born subjects. foulest, subtlest, and most venomous ser- In the charter by king William the powpent, that ever issued from the eggs of ers of legislation were restricted, so that sedition." A new doctrine had been ad- nothing should be done contrary to the vanced, that as the Americans are not laws of the realm of England. Even represented in parliament, they are ex- Dr. Franklin in 1765 admitted, that the empt from acts of parliament. But if the British had "a natural and equitable right colonies are not subject to the authority to some toll or duty upon merchandizes," of parliament, Great Britain and the colo-carried through the American seas. Mr. Otis also in the same year admitted the more than a century before both Massa same equitable right of parliament" to impose taxes on the colonies, internal and external, on lands as well as on trade." Indeed for more than a century parliament had exercised the now controverted right of legislation and taxation. And chusetts and Virginia had protested against the act of navigation and refused obedience, because not represented in parliament. He denied, that there was a whig in the province, who wished to set up an independent republic. But resistance to On the whole Mr. Sewall was con- lawless violence, he said, is not rebellion vinced, that the avarice and ambition of by the law of God or of the land. the leading whigs were the causes of the as to inability to cope with Great Britain, troubles of America: "they call them- he maintained, that " in a land war this selves the people, and when their own continent might defend itself against all measures are censured, cry out, the peo- the world." As to old charters, that of ple, the people are abused and insulted!" Virginia in 1609 exempted the compaHe deplored the condition of the dupes of ny forever from taxes on goods and merthe republican party, the men, who every chandizes. The same exemption was givmorning "swallowed a chimera for break-en to Maryland in 1633. The Plymouth fast." By the infamous methods resort-colony was settled without a charter, on ed to, "many of the ancient, trusty, and the simple principle of nature, and thus skilful pilots, who had steered the com- continued an independent government 68 munity safely in the most perilous times, years. The same was the case with the were driven from the helm, and their pla-colonies in Connecticut. In Massachuces occupied by different persons, some of setts the general court in 1677 declared, whom, bankrupts in fortune, business, that the laws of England were bounded and fame, are now striving to run the within the four seas and did not reach ship on the rocks, that they may have an America. The only power of parliament, opportunity of plundering the wreck!" which he would allow, was that, arising from our voluntary cession, of regulating trade. The first charter erected a corporation within the realm of England; there the governor and company were to reside, and their agents only were to come to America. But they came themselves and brought their charter with them, and thus, being out of the realm, were not subject to parliament. The king of England could by law grant nothing out of England, or the realm. The great seal had no authority out of the realm, except to mandatory or preceptory writs; and such was not the charter. In case of the forfeiture of a charter the people born here could be under no allegiance to the king. To this Mr. Adams replied, that parliament had authority over America by no law: not by the law of nature and nations; nor by common law, which never extended beyond the four seas; nor by statute law, for none existed before the settlement of the colonies; and that we were under no religious, moral, or political obligations to submit to parliament as a supreme executive. He asked, "Is the three pence upon tea our only grievance? Are we not deprived of the privilege of paying our governors, judges, &c.? Are not trials by jury taken from us? Are we not sent to England for trial? Is not a military government put over us? Is not our constitution demolished to the found--Such briefly were the opposite views of ation?""Nip the shoots of arbitrary these distinguished men. These wripower in the bud is the only maxim, which tings of Mr. Adams, with those of Otis, can ever preserve the liberties of any peo- Thacher, and others, contributed much ple." He maintained that the pretence to the emancipation of America from Britto tax for revenue, and not merely ish thraldom. for the regulation of trade, had never Mr. Adams attended the next congress been advanced till recently; that in 1754 in 1775. On hearing of the battle of Dr. Franklin denied such a right; that Lexington, war was determined on. At |