HIS was the iron age, in which the Church slept her iron sleep. Yet it was

THI

a cardinal era, as when the first spike of light darts across an arctic sky to break the night and herald the revolutionary day. Stagnation awoke the soul of the age by its very oppression, and it half resolved to be free. The Crusades had opened the sluices of vice, ecclesiasticism sat drunk on the throne of night, and the Archbishop of Narbonne said that St. Peter's boat was sinking.' At this moment Abelard caught the breaking dawn. He represented the free thought which the Crusaders had brought back with them, and helped to loosen the bands of tradition by pointing out the contradictions of the Fathers; ridiculing the current notion that Christ's death was a ransom paid to the devil, and warmly rebuking immorality in peasant, priest, prelate and prince. Admiring youth thronged the presence of this brilliant philosopher, whether in the wilderness of Troyes or the University of Paris. His severity and originality stirred the opposition of the dull, the narrowminded and the vile, and Bernard accused him of heresy. Bernard himself bewailed the depravity of the priests, but still was a captive to the superstitions of the age. Some of the popes honestly sought to reform the Catholic Church, while Gregory VII. abolished the sale of holy offices and checked concubinage in the clergy.

Another new idea of the times was to encourage the rise of great cities. They became independent friends of light and supported better government. Those of Northern Italy and Southern France drew to them various Oriental sects, many of

them 'pure' men, compared with those generally seen; prominent amongst these were Catharists from Bulgaria and Thrace. These strangers brought with them many false doctrines, but they rejected popular vices, the authority of pope and bishop, and studied the New Testament. The fairest civilization of the Middle Ages arose where they flourished. In a certain and important sense Abelard, Bernard and Gregory, with the Crusaders and Cathari, all worked together. And contrary to popular supposition, Tanchelyn was helping them by preaching in the streets of Antwerp and Utrecht, while Peter of Bruis was drawing men to Christ between the Rhone and the Alps. These two were as heartily hated by the priests as they were beloved by the people, and such was the influence of the man of God in Holland that for twelve years the mass had not been celebrated in many places where he preached. Tanchelyn went to Rome with much the same result as Luther, four centuries later. On his return he was imprisoned at Cologne by order of the archbishop, but by the aid of a smith, a disciple, he escaped. Afterward he was slain by a treacherous priest. He held that the Bible is the only guide, Christ the only head of the Church, with no mass and no infant baptism. These doctrines survived him, were preached by his successor, Everwacher, and the after susceptibility of the Netherlands to, Baptist principles has some connection with his early sowing. The several sects of the Cathari hold a close affinity to our subject, and we must now present a cursory view of this interesting people.

The CATHARI (the pure') have been the subjects of much confusion in ecclesiastical history, largely in consequence of classing many and widely different sects under that general name, both amongst ancient and modern writers, whether Catholic or Protestant. The latter have been too ready to hail all dissidents from Rome by that name as welcome simply because they were dissenters, the Catholics as cheerfully consigning all these to anathema for the same reason, with but little distinction. In truth, with few exceptions, all have dealt in this wholesale distribution, instead of examining each sect and candidly assigning it to its true place in the long list of sects, which have been so designated. For the purposes of general description, Schmidt designates the Cathari as a dualistic sect which originated in Eastern Europe, independently of the Manichæans and Paulicians, but from the same source-an intermingling of European and Asiatic ideas.' He thinks that they originated in Bulgaria, from whence they spread into Thrace, where they were known as Bogomiles, then into Dalmatia and Slavonia, till merchants brought the heresy to Italy, and the Crusaders to France; and so Flanders, Sicily and other countries became thoroughly infected therewith. But the sects into which the Cathari soon split became almost too numerous to mention here, each one of them retaining more or less of the original leaven; but some being popularly so known while they had nothing whatever in common with the original system, which was very pernicious. To call them all Cathari in that sense, therefore, is a simple slander pinned upon them by their foes.

The generally received opinions amongst them were far enough removed from the Gospel, running all the way from absolute dualism, with its fantastic mythology and its wild fancy, up to a semi-gospel standard of morality and even spirituality, if intense asceticism can be so called. They were decidedly anticlerical, and yet their organization was strictly aristocratic, having one order of teaching for the masses and another for the privileged; all being known respectively as 'auditores,' Their views of Christ led them to deny his incar'credentes' and 'electi.' nation and resurrection; they denied the necessity of baptism proper, substituting for it the imposition of hands, which they held to be the true spiritual baptism ; they also refused to eat all kinds of procreated food, and discouraged, if they did not disallow, marriage. But at the same time they considered relics, images, crosses and even material sanctuaries as odious and the work of Satan, because men had come to adore them.

The BOGOMILES were a branch of the Cathari. Herzog thinks that they took their name from a Bulgarian Bishop of the tenth century, that they were an offshoot from the Paulicians, and says that they abounded in the Bulgarian city of Philippopolis. They were condemned as heretics and suffered great persecution. Basil, one of their leaders, was burnt im Constantinople in 1118, before the gates of St. Sophia. The Paulicians of Bulgaria furnished the Cathari of Southern France. Gibbon thinks that they found their way there either by passing up the Danube into Germany or through Venice in the channels of commerce, or through the imperial garrisons sent by the Greek Emperor into Italy. But come as they might, we find them at Orleans A. D. 1025, in the Netherlands 1035 and in Turin 1051. About half a century later banishment from their own country drove them in great numbers to the west, and they appeared plentifully at Treves and Soissons, in Champagne and Flanders. Their teachings soon attracted the attention of the priests, the peasantry, and even the nobles. Their followers became so numerous as to demand condemnation by the Council of Toulouse, 1119, and that of Tours, 1163. But despite excommunications and curses, they so grew that in 1167 they held a council of their own and openly formulated their faith and ecclesiastical order, which they stoutly held, against both the Roman hierarchy and the secular power for almost a century. Another branch of the Cathari is found in

The ALBIGENSES. They arose in Southern France early in the eleventh century and were first known as Publicani; but at last took their name from the city of Albi, the center of the Albigeois district. They were first called Albigenses by Stephen Borbone, 1225. It is difficult to get at their exact tenets and practices, but they were generally numbered with the Cathari, and had many things in common with other sects so known. They rejected the Romish Church, and esteemed the New Testament above all its traditions and ceremonies. They did not take oaths, nor believe in baptismal regeneration; but they were ascetic and pure in their lives; they also exalted celibacy. They increased so rapidly

that they drove the Catholic priests from their churches, of which they took possession, forming schools and congregations of their own. They made the Catholic Church an object of contempt, the nobility heading the movement, and they also formed their own synod; four different Catholic Councils condemned them, but all to no purpose. Bernard tried to reclaim them, and various disputations were had with them; but in 1180 Cardinal Henry commenced a crusade against them with the sword. Much carnage followed. One crusade succeeded another. Innocent III. offered the prelates and nobles all the blessings of the Church for the use of their sword and the possessions of the heretics as an additional reward. Their own prince, Count Raymond VI., was compelled to slaughter his subjects, and the pope summoned the King of Northern France with all his nobles to the same bloody work. Half a million of men were gathered, four Archbishops joined the invaders with twelve Bishops and countless nobles. Towns were sacked, seven castles surrendered to the pope, and five hundred villages, cities and fortresses fell.

Barons, knights, counts and soldiery flocked like eagles to the prey from all directions. Their superstition was fed by the promise of two years' remission of penance, and all the indulgences granted to the invaders of the Holy Sepulcher; and their cupidity was fired by the tender of the goods and lands of the heretics, as well as the right to reduce them to Mohammedan slavery. They followed the lead of Arnaud, the legate of the Holy See, bearing the cross and pilgrims' staves, from the adjacent countries, French, German, Flemish, Norman. They first attacked Beziers, which was strongly fortified and garrisoned; but it was taken by storm and thirty thousand were slain. Seven thousand had taken refuge in the Church of St. Magdalene, and the monk Peter tells us with the most ferocious coldness that they killed women and children, old men, young men, priests, all without distinction.' There were many Catholics in the town, and the Holy Legate' was asked how these should be spared, when he commanded: Kill them all, God will know his own!' Lest a heretic should escape they piled all in an indiscriminate heap, and the Chronicle of St. Denis gives the whole number as sixty thousand. After Beziers had fallen, July 22, 1209, Carcassone was invested. There Count Roger, the nephew of Raymond, was inveigled under the pretense of safe-conduct and a treating for peace out of the city into the enemies' camp and by treachery was made a prisoner as a heretic. When his men found their captain gone they retreated by a private passage, the great city fell, and its captain died in a dungeon, as the pope expresses it, miserably slain at the last.' The French barons agreed that any fortress which refused to surrender on demand, but resisted, should when captured find every man put to the sword in cold blood by the cross-bearers, that horror might appall every heart in the land. Their own historian says: They could not have dealt worse with them than they did; they massacred them all, even those who had taken refuge in the cathedral; nothing could save them, nor cross, nor crucifix, nor

altars. The scoundrels killed the priests, the women, the infants, not one, I believe, escaped.' Eight hundred nobles were either hanged or hewn to pieces, and four hundred heretics were burnt in one pile.

The story of this murdered people for about half a century is heart-sickening in the extreme. They held many errors of the head, but no prince ever ruled over grander subjects. They were far advanced in refinement, and were high-toned in morality. Their record is the brightest, briefest and bloodiest in the annals of pious, persecuting deviltry. It begins in the middle of the twelfth century, and was blotted out before the middle of the thirteenth. It is a short, swift stream of gore mingling with their mountain torrents, but more romantic than their Alps. If the eternal snow and ice had not turned these eternally pale, the frozen steel of St. Dominic had chilled them forever, when the pravity of his infernal machine made them witnesses of a rushing destruction, without parallel in human villainy.

Amongst the Cathari, however, we find a BAPTIST BODY at Cologne and Bonn. Whence they came we are not informed; but they appeared in 1146, and Evervin gives a full account of them in writing to Bernard, of whom he seeks aid in their suppression. He says that they had been recently discovered, and that two of them had openly opposed the Catholic clergy and laity in their assembly; the archbishop and nobles being present. The 'heretics' asked for a day of disputation, when re-enforced by certain of their number they would maintain their doctrines from Christ and the Apostles; and unless they were properly answered they would rather die than give up their principles. Upon this they were seized and burnt to death. Evervin expresses his astonishment that they endured the torment of the stake not only with patience, but with joy; and asks how these members of Satan could suffer with such constancy and courage as were seldom found amongst the most godly. He then describes their heresy.

They professed to be the true Church, because they followed Christ and patterned after the Apostles; they sought no secular gain or earthly property, but were the poor in Christ, while the Roman Church made itself rich. They accounted themselves as sheep amongst wolves, fleeing from city to city, enduring persecution with the ancient martyrs, although they were living laborious, holy and self-denying lives. They charged their persecutors with being false apostles, with adulterating the word of God, with self-seeking, and the pope with corrupting the Apostle Peter's chair. He says: 'They do not hold the baptism of infants, alleging that passage of the Gospel, "He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved." They rejected the intercession of saints, and they called all observances in the Church which Christ had not established superstitions. They denied the doctrine of purgatorial fire after death, and believed that when men die they go immediately to heaven or to hell. He therefore beseeches the 'holy father' to direct his pen against these wild beasts,' and to help him to resist these monsters.' He then says, some of them 'Tell us that they had great numbers of their persuasion scattered