as the granddaughter of a French Huguenot minister) and also Dutch and English, was a rare musician, in dress a French woman of fashion; whilst Mrs. Bayard, herself Dutch, was, for her day, highly educated, and able to teach her three sons in almost every branch of a practical business education.' With such women among them, and others who might be mentioned, no wonder there was society, and of the genuine kind-society which had even more than courtly breeding, which had intelligence and refinement, with solidity of thought and character. Moreover, several of them had "good houses." That of Cornelius Steenwyck, who had moved from Harlem in 1652, had handsome carpets, marble tables, velvet chairs, fine paintings and silver. And so, during the winter of 1668-1669, at the Governor's instance, they established a "club" of ten French and Dutch and six English families, to meet at each other's houses, twice a week in winter and once a week in summer; he himself being generally present and making himself "agreeable." They met from six to nine in the evening; the entertainment was "simple"-chiefly Madeira wine and rum and brandy punch, served in silver tankards, and "not compounded and adulterated as in England"; and to speak French and Dutch and English was almost indispensable. But it was two hundred years ago. Neither their English, French, nor Dutch, written or spoken, was quite the language of to-day. When Mr. Harmanus Bleeker, of Albany, went as minister to The Hague some forty years ago, they told him that he spoke the Dutch of two hundred years before-that is, as the first settlers had brought it over and perpetuated it, such of them as continued to speak it at all. But there was one young woman in Holland who so thoroughly understood his old-time speech and loved it (and him), that, when he returned, she came too, as his vrouw! Nevertheless, how scant of material in the little city, in the time of Lovelace, was "society"- that which, under subsequent governors, grew into such pride and power as "persons of quality," "people of figure"-may be seen from the small number composing this club-ten French and Dutch and six English families. Stuyvesant had, indeed, endeavored to introduce into New Amsterdam the "great" and "small burgher" system of Amsterdam in Holland; but the list of the "great citizenship" never exceeded twenty names. It became unpopular, besides leaving so very small a number who were eligible to office. Therefore in 1668 1 Mrs. Samuel Bayard, Stuyvesant's sister, also taught her three sons and daughter, Catherine, French and English, after discharging the incompetent tutor who accompanied them from Holland. EDITOR.

ETJUSTIL

THE BAYARD ARMS.

it was abolished, and every "burgher" became entitled to equal privileges with his neighbor. Of the list of 1657 (which includes one woman) Cornelius Steenwyck (whose house we have mentioned, and whose portrait, copied from the original in the New-York Historical Society, appears on page 349) was, undoubtedly, the chief figure under the administration of Lovelace. He was mayor for three years under him, one of his wisest and most influential councilors, a man of sterling character, and wealthy. He owned a bouwery on the east side above Stuyvesant's, and ultimately, by the extinction of the Archers, became owner of the "Manor of Fordham" and a "Heer," subject to no jurisdiction but that of the Governor

and his Council and the General Court of Assize.

66

But of that original list of

great citizenship," as distinguished from the "small," by 1668 several names had disappeared. How many of them remain in this changing city, and in what walks of life? Stuyvesant, Kip, Strycker, Van Dyck, Van Wyck, Bogardus, we have-long-lived names. is interesting, however, to notice how many afterwards prominent, or still existing, begin to appear just at this time. Nicholas Bayard comes in, as a young man and Secretary of

It

LEISLER'S HOUSE.

the Council, a post he held for many years-and an official always. Johannes De Peyster, the first of the name, but already wealthy, emerges into public affairs, and by Colve, in 1673, was chosen Burgomaster-to suffer for it much petty tyranny from Andros. And in 1670, sitting in the same church-consistory with Governor Stuyvesant and Olof Stevensen Van Cortlandt, they as elders and he as a deacon, is one, who, twenty years later, will accomplish a name more long-lived in State history than Lovelace, one not in the "court circle" around him-Jacob Leisler. In 1663, two years after his arrival, he had married the widow of Vanderveen, a well-to-do merchant trader, who had built the first brick house in the city, near the fort; and having inherited his goods as well as his widow,-in other words, having stepped into his shoes,-there Leisler now lived, an active, busy, and growingly respected citizen, but not one of the Governor's kind, not one adapted to shine in "society." In Harlem, also, small as it was, families were

appearing whose names are still well known in business and other circles. Just at this time Colonel Lewis Morris, a merchant of Barbadoes, secured a valuable tract, which his brother, Captain Richard Morris, came to occupy, thus becoming a prominent man under Lovelace. Dying, however, within two years, he left an infant of a year old, a "poor blossom," at nurse in Harlem, but who ultimately became that distinguished Chief Justice Lewis Morris, proprietor (in 1697) of the newly created Manor of Morrisania (1920 acres), the father of the more distinguished Gouverneur Morris, and ancestor of the still existent family. How many more in the city, not in the Governor's "set," nor holding office, nor rising speedily, but industrious and honest "carpenters, blacksmiths, masons, tailors, weavers, shoemakers, tanners,” etc., were yet the lower stones of good families in the future, we cannot tell, although some names might be mentioned. Daniel Denton, who visited New-York in 1670, says that such "lived happily" in the city, in fact found it an "earthly Canaan." Nor, because they were not among the Governor's budding aristocracy, which so dominated the city under later governors, are we to regard them as deserving

generally the slur it so loftily cast upon them as "the lower classes, the rabble." It applied, if at all, to the Dutch, the original and larger element. But we must remember Motley's declaration that "the New England pilgrims, during their residence in the glorious country of Holland, found already established the system of free schools which John of Nassau had recommended"; the famous decree, also, which the Synod of Dordrecht, anxious to promote the well-being of Church and State, had in 1619 passed in behalf of education, and which led to church-schools throughout Holland; and that (as told by Brodhead) "schools were everywhere provided at the public expense, with good schoolmasters, to instruct the children of all classes in the usual branches of education; whilst the consistories of the churches took zealous care to have their youth thoroughly taught the Catechism and the Articles of religion." This was in Holland, full of intelligent and patriotic citizens, so noted as to attract scholars from every part of Europe, and therefore called in the learned world "Compendium Orbis"; and in Holland had the earlier Dutch settlers been instructed. It is true that their children had not quite the same advantages, and that wealthy families sometimes employed "private tutors” — which implies tutors to be had. But in 1630 the West India Company had bound itself "to maintain good and fit preachers and schoolmasters," in order to encourage immigration-however inadequately it may have carried out its pledge. What, however, it failed to do, the church was painstaking in doing. If it could not readily send a minister, it sent a schoolmaster, who as "voorleser" acted both as teacher and as

conductor of religious services. Even before the church, there were a school and schoolmaster. So early as Stuyvesant's administration, says O'Callahan, "schools existed in almost every town and village" in New Netherland. Nor, when the government changed hands, did the Dutch surrender either their church or their schools, but maintained both even in the face of opposition and at their own expense. In 1673 they obtained a special charter from the English Government authorizing them to erect churches and school-houses (which were often under the same roof); and in order to maintain the standard of instruction, they procured the teachers from Holland, at a "heavy and unusual expense." Evidently, therefore, it is a mistake to suppose that the better-known and wealthier families monopolized the education and intelligence of the city, and that all the rest were illiterate "lower classes." Leisler himself, in later times of intense partizanship, was branded by his opponents (and some histories have repeated it) as an "ignorant and illiterate" man. But, himself the son of a clergyman (as it has been recently discovered), it is hardly credible that in 1670 an "ignorant and illiterate" man could have found his way, and by their votes, into a Dutch consistory composed of a learned clergyman and such men as Peter Stuyvesant (an earnest advocate of education) and Olof Stevensen Van Cortlandt. Indeed, the city was as fairly intelligent as most young cities for its day.

STEENWYCK'S HOUSE.

It must now be said that the public acts of Lovelace, as Governor, were few of them historically important, although matters troublesome to himself occasionally came up. These, however, he seems to have left, as much as possible, to others to arrange, commissioners and agents appointed by him, to whom he gave voluminous orders. And certainly he could not have had a more useful subordinate than his brother, Captain Dudley Lovelace, who frequently represented him, and sometimes received the same honors. Thus, when at Hurley and Marbletown, as head of a commission to arrange about the lands, they gave him an artillery salute," when the President took horse to depart for New-York." It was one indication of that spirit of display and subserviency to viceroyalty which was growing up, which later became still more marked, and through which certain families themselves grew into importance and power. But, to counteract this, there was another spirit in the community, which would not down, which troubled Lovelace, and which, in future years, made itself felt as a

VOL. I.-23.

power; a spirit which, in 1691, was one and the principal reason for the execution of Leisler- that reason, as given by the Council of that day, being "the assertion of the government and authority, and the prevention of insurrections and disorders for the future." Its focus,

A

Brief Description

OF

NEW YORK:

Formerly Called

New Netherlands.

With the Places thereunto Adjoyning.

Together with the

Manner of its Scituation, Fertility of the Soyle,
Healthfulness of the Climate, and the
Commodities thence produced.

ALSO

Some Directions and Advice to such as shall go
thither: An Account of what Commodities they shall
take with them; The Profit and Pleasure that
may accrue to them thereby.

LIKEWISE

A Brief RELATION of the Customs of the Indians there.

BY DANIEL DENTON.

LONDON.

Printed for John Hancock, at the first Shop in Popes-Head-Alley in
Carnhil, at the three Bibles, and William Bradley at the three Bibles."

under Lovelace, was Long Island. If, in the spring of 1669, he obtained amusement and pleasure out of the "general training" and the race-course established by Nicolls's fiat at Hempstead, and which he named Newmarket (so old is racing on Long Island), at the November assizes of that year he was not so well pleased when eight towns (Hempstead, East and West Chester, Oyster Bay, Flushing, Jamaica, Newtown, and Gravesend) presented a list of “grievances." There was Puritan and English blood in those towns, as well as Dutch. They wanted the promises made by Nicolls at the time of their "submission" kept. They wanted the privilege of "advising about and approving" laws, by "deputies yearly chosen by the freeholders of every town and parish"; in other words, they wanted a popular assembly in addition to the Governor and a "subservient Council." But it was denied that Nicolls had made any such promise, and the Governor (by his instructions) could make no changes in the laws as already established when he came. And as they also asked to be informed what was required of them under the duke's "Commission," - a question which might interfere with the "Governor's pleasure," they were told bluntly that there was "nothing required of them but obedience and submission to the laws of the Government." That was all, submission. That it did not satisfy the Long Islanders, they very soon made evident. Taxes were necessary for the support of the government and (ostensibly at least) for repairs at the fort, the latter of which were imposed on the several towns of Long Island; as to which Woods, in his history of Long Island, says that Lovelace "imposed duties according to his pleasure for the support of the government, and attempted a direct tax for repairing the fort." But the towns objected. "If they yielded in this they might be taxed to maintain the garrison,

The above fac-simile of the title-page of the first printed description in book form in English of New-York is copied from one of the few existing copies of the original edition. I have met with but four. The rare work was reprinted by William Gowans in 1845, with notes by Gabriel Furman. Daniel Denton was among the early settlers of

Long Island, and as there was not, at that time, or for more than a score of years after, a printer in New-York, his little quarto was sent to London for publication. He was a son of the Rev. Richard Denton, a Presbyterian clergyman and a graduate of Cambridge, England, who accompanied Governor Winthrop to America in 1630. EDITOR.