himself, in person, a final answer to the proposal in which his interests were so deeply concerned. The guardians interposed many objections to their request of an interview, which were founded on the alledged incapacity and inexperience of the young man; but these having been obviated, they gave, at length, their reluctant consent to the meeting.

On the 19th of July, Mr. Webbe and colonel Close repaired to the palace, where they were met by the guardians, who, on being interrogated, whether they adhered to their former opinions, replied, that Ally Hussein would consent to no terms, but such as were stated in the paper that they had given in on the 17th. They were then asked, whether they were aware of the consequences of this resolution? They answered that they were; but, that they relied implicitly upon the adherence of the company, to the existing engagements with the nabob and his family. Upon this, they were informed, that it was needless to recur to the treaty of 1792, as it was the violation of that treaty by the nabob, from which the right of the company to demand the security now required, arose.

After this conversation with the guardians, Ally Hussein, a youth of eighteen years of age, and the reputed son of the late nabob, was introduced. Colonel Close and Mr. Webbe then stated to him, in a summary manner, the whole of what had passed between themselves and his guardians, and they added, that on a point which so materially affected his interests, they were naturally anxious to hear his own sentiments, and resolution, before they terminated a negociation with which all his prospects of elevation must close. The young man answered, (the guardians being present,) that he considered the guardians to have been appointed by his father, for the purpose of assisting him with advice, and that the object of his and their councils could never be separated.

Upon receiving this answer, colonel Close and Mr. Webbe informed the guardians, that Lord Clive had come to the resolution, previously to the adoption of final measures on a subject of such importance, to have a personal interview with Ally Hussein, and that his Lordship would come for that purpose, to the tent of the officer commanding the troops stationed at the palace. This proposal was unexpected; and the guardians endeavoured to evade it by objections, similar to those which they bad before urged respecting the inexperience and incapacity of the young man ; but finding their arguments unavailing, they consented, and went to prepare Ally Hussein's equipage and retinue. The young man, taking advantage of their momentary absence, whispered with much apparent anxiety to colonel Close and Mr. Webbe, that he had been deceived by his guardians; and, after having made this declaration, he proceeded, without attending to the guardians, to the tent in which he was to have the interview with Lord Clive.

When the ceremony of his introduction to his Lordship was over, Ally Hussein's attendants, including the guardians, were desired to withdraw. After adverting to the whole negociation that had passed, Lord Clive represented to him the serious. consequences of any resolution which he might aclopt, and the personal anxiety which he felt that Ally Hussein should be clearly apprized of his situation, and that he rhould determine cautiously upon a point of such importance to his individual repu tation and interests, as well as to those of his family. Ally Hussein, without the least hesitation, declared, in the most explicit terms, that the conferences had been managed by the guardians, without his participation, and that he much disapproved of the termination to which they had been brought. Upon the strength of this declaration. it was judged proper to recapitulate, in the most ample and distinct manner, every part of the transaction; and, after the fullest comprehension of the whole subject, the young man declared his readiness to enter into an arrangement grounded upon the basis of the company's exercising the civil and military government of the Carnatic.

This conference, which was frequently interrupted by the importunities of the guar dians, terminated with the desire of the young man, that a treaty should be made ut, which should have for its basis the investiture of the entire civil and military govern ment of the Carnatic in the Company, "which" he said, "a conviction that it was for his benefit, and that of his family, would lead him to execute, with or without the codent of his guardians." On the 20th of July, colonel Close and Mr. Webbe again repaired to the palace, where they were met by the two guardians, and Ally Hussein;

the latter of whom opened the conference by retracting every thing that he had decla red to Lord Clive at the private interview, and by announcing his fixed determination to abide by the opinion of his guardians! It was at first supposed that this extraordinary change of sentiment was merely the result of fear; but the young man repeated his resolution to abide by the advice of the guardians, and his unalterable determination not to enter into any engagement which had for its basis the cession of the civil and military government of the Carnatic.

Every hope of concluding a treaty with the reputed son of Omdut ul Omrab being thus at an end, it only remained for lord Clive to apply the principles of lord Wellesley's orders to the actual state of circumstances. These orders were, first, to communicate to the late nabob the secret correspondence, and to inform him, that he was considered by the government as a public enemy; that, notwithstanding, the government did not wish to humiliate him or his family--and, therefore, he might, if he thought proper, avoid it, by entering into a treaty, by which the management of the country should be transferred to the company, and he should retain the title and honours of nabob, with a large allowance. Secondly, if the nabob refused to comply with this proposal, lord Clive was to assume the government of the Carnatic, as in case of war, and to refer the whole question to the decision of the government at home. Thirdly, if the nabob died, lord Clive was instructed to offer the same terms to his reputed son, Ally Hussein; and, in the event of his rejection of the terms, his lordship was ordered to assume the government, and to refer the whole transaction to the superior authorities at home-taking care, however, to publish the motives which occasioned the proceeding.

I have already observed, that the whole proceeding was founded upon the violation of the treaty of 1792. The right of the British government to exercise its power in such a manner, and to such an extent as should be judged necessary, for the adequate security of the public interests in the Carnatic, arose out of the infraction of that treaty. The mode of exercising that right, was to be determined solely by considerations of expediency, which were to be influenced, however, in the first instance, by the actual state of the affairs of the government of Fort St. George, at the noment; in the second, by general principles of forbearance and moderation; and, in the third, by an attention to that particular indulgence which had invariably regulated every transaction of the company with the family of the nabobs of Arcot.

The immediate assumption of the civil and military government of the Carnatic, un der a proclamation, although it were fully warranted by the perfidious conduct of the nabobs of Arcot, was liable to many serious objections, as a measure of expediency, when tried by the considerations which I have enumerated above. The actual coralition of the territories under the government of Fort St. George was unfavour able to the measure; a most formidable rebellion existed amongst the southern Polygar, for the suppression of which, it had been necessary to bring troops from other qua rters, and to weaken the defence cof several provinces, in a manner that would have ma le it dangerous to augment the number of the disaffected. 'It would also have beeran harsh, if not an impolitic, me asure, tohave substituted, at once, the company's authority in the place of that of the family of Mahommed Ally Khaun, without consulting the dignity of that family, by any previous arrangement for the support of its rank and reputation; and it might have been considered as a departure from that line of moderation which lord Wellesley's government had uniformly observed toware is the native states of India. The family of Arcot, from its long period of connect ion with the English, might reasonably expect, that the company, under any pos sible: misconduct of the heads of that family, would not proceed further against it than thedequate security of their own interests prescribed. For these reasons, it occurred to lord Clive, that the safest, wisest, most conciliatory, and dignified, course of proceed ing, consistently with the preservation of that principle, upon which the security of the British interests in the Carnatic rested, was, to raise to the government of 'Arc t, Azeem ul Dowlah, the ellest nephew of the late nabob, legitimate son of Am er ul Omrah, grandson of Mali ommed Ally Khaun, and great grandson by both parents of Anwar u Deen, the fort nder of the Carnatic family. The right of this prin ce to the succession, if every right to the succession had not been forfeited, was, perl aps, stronger than that of the reputed son of Omdut ul On.rah: but this consi

deration was not investigated, as the act was avowed to be a matter of expediency and favour, and not of right, on the part of the nabob's family.

Having resolved to adopt this measure, lord Clive commissioned col. Close and Mr. Webbe to negotiate with the prince Azeem ul Dowlah a treaty, founded on the same basis as that which they had been directed to propose to Ally Hussein. Dithculties of a serious nature intervened, to prevent their obtaining an interview with this prince; for he was kept under a most rigorous confinement, and it was apprehended, that if any idea were entertained of his intended elevation, the consequence might be fatal to his life. These difficulties were, however, removed by an occurrence altogether unexpected, whi evinced the most undisguised contempt of the company's authority, and which called for its immediate interference. The guardians of Ally Hussein, impatient of the delays which had taken place, privately installed that youth upon the musnud or throne; and it was reported to lord Clive, that they meant to perform that ceremony in the most public manner on the following day. It was im possible to calculate the extent of the confusion and mischiefs which such a proceeding might occasion: not a moment was to be lost, and the most prompt and decisive measures became requisite to avert them. Lord Clive, therefore, gave immediate orders for the company's troops to take possession of the whole palace, and to remove all the nabob's guards. One effect of this measure was, the placing of Azeem ul Dowlah under the protection of the English troops. On the 25th of Ju, a treaty was finally concluded, which provided for Azeem ul Dowlah's enjoyment of a clear revenue of three lacks of pagodas annually, unincumbered by any charge, and also for the support of all the different branches of the family of Mahommed Ally Khaun. It vested the government of the Carnatic for ever in the company, and by that one condition, the subsidy paid by the nabob was secured on the basis of territo rial possession. The resources of the Carnatic have since increased;-the condition of the inhabitants has been improved ;-the restoration of that fine province to prosperity has been ensured; and the whole system of the British government in the peninsula has, at once, been simplified and consolidated.

It may not be amiss to remark in this place, that Azeem ul Dowlah, after the occupation of the palace by the Company's troops, had interviews, on the 23d and 24th of July, with colonel Close and Mr. Webbe, during which, he settled the basis of the treaty that was afterwards concluded. In the course of those interviews, much discussion took place upon the subordinate articles of the treaty; and the prince shewed, on the occasion, that he was neither deficient in quickness nor good sense, and that he was fully equal, as far as depended on personal qualifications, to the support of the rank to which he had been raised. On the day after the conclusion of the treaty, the prince was introduced to lord Clive, and conducted to the palace of Ameer Bagh, the residence of his father.

The foregoing statements are extracted from the Printed Papers, 1, 2, and 3, relative to the Carnatic, which are laid before the House of Commons. I have noticed every material occurrence; and, I trust, that this narrative, together with the subjoined DECLARATION, to which I again refer my readers, will demonstrate the justice and expediency of the transaction. The result of the whole case appears to me to be as follows:

1. In all the discussions that have ever taken place, relative to the Carnatic, every government in India, including the opinions of the lords Cornwallis, Macartney, and Buckinghamshire, and of every court of Directors, has been, decidedly, of opinion, that territorial possession has been, invariably, considered as affording the only adequate security for the military subsidy of the Carnatic. All the noble lords mentioned above, have repeatedly declared, that their knowledge of the internal administration of the nabob's affairs enabled them to state, that the resources of the Carnatic could never be faithfully applied to the exigency of public affairs, while the nabobs continued to exercise the executive government. Lord Cornwallis, as the motto to my last number shews, declared, in the most positive terms, that no adequate security could be esta blished for the rights of the Company, or for the happiness of the people, by any other mode than by the assumption, on the part of the Company, of the civil and military government of the Carnatic. This principle of territorial possession has been re peatedly sanctioned by the government at home, in their approbation of lord Hobart's endeavours to commute the pecuniary subsidy for territorial possession, in their origi

nal instructions to lord Wellesley, in 1797, to effect the same object; in their order to his lordship, at the commencement of the Mysore war in 1799, not to restore the Carnatic to the nabob, although, by treaty, the Company were bound to restore it on the conclusion of peace; in their order of June 1799, to assume, in the name of the Company, and without the consent of the nabob, certain districts, which they were to govern in the sole name of the Company, and without any reference to the nabob's authority.

2. The mere fact of corresponding with any foreign power, without the consent and knowledge of the Company, was a breach of the treaty of 192. But the correspon dence of the nabobs of Arcot was of an hostile nature, as is evident from the two trea sonable overt acts stated in the declaration.* The circumstance alone of the existence of a cypher, is also a conclusive proof of hostility.

3. Having made this discovery, and knowing the sentiments of the government at home, what was the line of conduct for lord Wellesley to pursue? Was he to neglect the Company's interests, and to leave, in the possession of a faithless ally, the means of forming a connection with the French, and of receiving their aid, at the moment when they might be expected to return to India, under the auspices of peace, and with increased desire to revive their power in that quarter? What would have been the situation of the British interests in the peninsula of I dia, if the Carnatic had been in the hands of its nabob, when general Decaen arrived at Pondicherry, in 1802? What would be our feelings at this moment, if the Carnatic were subjected to that divided government, under which it had, for so long a period, gone to decay? 4. The arrangement was carried into effect with every possible degree of deliberation. Two years had elapsed in the examination and decision of this question, upon which lord Wellesley consulted all the most eminent characters in India. The evidence was transmitted to England, early in 1800, and the court of Directors, as well as the government at home, were fully apprised that lord Wellesley had it in contemplation to deprive the nabob of his government, and had actually furnished lord Clive with authority for that purpose. Did they disapprove of this intention did they forbid him to proceed to this extremity? did they tell him that they would be satisfied with a less comprehensive arrangement? Quite the contrary. They told him, in their orders of December 4, 1800, (which, as I have already observed, were communicated to the court at large, and not merely confined to the secret committee) that he was not fully aware of the extent of the nabob's treachery: they brought forth other proofs of his highness's hostility; they approved of all that lord Wellesley had done, and were very anxious to know the result of the whole arrangement.

5. When the result was communicated to them, did they then disapprove of lord Wellesley's conduct, and censure him for having gone too far? No: they expressed, on Sept. 29, 1.802, their conviction that the nabob had violated the alliance: they approved of the whole of lord Wellesley's arrangements, and they 'congratulated the present nabob on his accession to the government; and lest lord Wellesley should suppose that the secret committee were acting in opposition to the wishes of the court, they expressed, on the same day, in a public letter from the court at large, their approbation of the general result of his lordship's government, and solicited him to remain in India another year!! Since that period, the king has, in a letter, congratulated the present nabob on his accession, and parliament have appropriated a portion of the revenues of the Carnatic, under the treaty which it is now the wish of a party to abrogate!

The intelligence respecting Pondicherry and Poonah, communicated to Tippoo Sultaun by the nabob.

For want of room, the important Declaration referred to above, is unavoidably postponed until the next number.

Printed by G. SIDNEY, No. 1, Northumo.land-Street, Strand; and published by H.R. YORKE, 412, Strand, opposite the Adelphi ; and sold also by H. T. HODGSON, Wimpole-Street, and by all the News-venders in Town and Country.

Vol. III. No. 5. Saturday, August 1, 1807.

65

Price 10d.

REFLECTIONS UPON THE PRESENT STATE OF OUR COUNTRY. Amongst the inconsiderate mass of the community, the fickle temper of our allies has occasioned a cry for PEACE; and there are not wanting men of more strength of mind who re-echo this pernicious sentiment. It is a happy circumstance, and, indeed, a pledge of future national security, that such a dastardly doctrine has escaped the lips of only one member of parliament: we may augur from this fact, that the legislature, upon whose firmness, good sense, and patriotism, every thing depends, are not intimidated by the frowns of fortune, or the defection of the allies from the public cause. At present, we are entirely in the dark respecting the motives which induced the emperor of Russia to relinquish a contest which, even admitting the truth of the French accouut of his disasters, he might have continued with vigour, and with a rational prospect of ultimate success. We are now as ignorant of the real state of continental affairs as the British colonist, who tills the earth on the banks of lake Ontario.

The principal vouchers we possess of foreign affairs, are the French journals, the falsehood of which, I have often had occasion to detect; and, therefore, I am willing to hope, that the narratives, respecting the imperial dinner-parties at Tilsit, and the fraternal embraces of Alexander and Napoleou, may be as gross forgeries as were contain ́d in the 31st bulletin of the French army at Austerlitz, in which the historiographer of Buonaparte's exploits, represented general Savary to have been engaged in a lively tête à tete with the emperor of Russia, when it was afterwards proved, that he was never once permitted to approach the person of that sovereign. But, whether these details be true or false, whether the mind of the emperor of Russia be alienated from the common cause, by the intervention of fraud, or by the temporary reverse of his army, it behoves us, at this hour, to act as if the independence of the continent of Europe were wholly extinguished, and we were left to the exertion of our native valour and resources. When we shall be put in possession of FACTS, we shall be qualified to pronounce an opinion upon them; until then, we must think of ourselves. The course, therefore, which I shall pursue, upon the present occasion, conformably with the notice in my last number, is this ;-I shall, in the first place, point out the folly of cherishing the hope, and the dangers that must ensue from the conclusion. of a peace; 2dly, I shall enforce the necessity of a vigorous prosecution of the war, as the only security, whereby the power, liberties, and independence, of this country, can be preserved; and lastly, I shall suggest the means by which the war may be pursued so as to consolidate this security, and to consummate the glory of the British

naine.

1. Of the folly of cherishing the hope, and the dangers which must ensue from the conclusion, of a peace.

To understand this subject rightly, it is first proper that we should take a retrospective view of past transactions, in order that, by contemplating our original grounds of conduct, and our subsequent errors, we may learn to appreciate the goodness of our cause, and to abstain from those errors which have, unquestionably, occasioned the prolongation of the war, and the present calamitous state of urope. When the first European confederacy was formed for the purpose of resisting the arms of France, the grand and irretrievable error which was committed by all the combined powers, consisted in their pertinacious refusal to impress upon the minds of the French people, that the war, in which the allies were engaged, was directed against the principles of the French, and not against France herself. I call this a fundamental error, because it involved the confederates in repeated contradictions of thoughts and action, while it served to unite and concentrate the energies of Frenchmen. The result was foreseen and foretold. When the barrier fortresses of France were taken possession of under different titles and pretentions; when each power seized for itself whatever it could obtain, without any regard to the public cause, it followed, that whenever the French

YOL. III.NO. 5,