known to attend a protestant place of worship; and whose father, mother, wife, and sisters, were catholics. It could not therefore appear, that such jealousy and prejudice against catholics really exist among the Irish protestants, as writers and speakers, on this side of the question, would have the public to believe on this side of the water. Happily, all their exertions cannot destroy, on the other side, that harmony that subsists between the catholics and protestants. The catholics, if we may credit their public speeches and writings, deprecate the idea of being made an instrument to forward the ambitious views of any particular faction. (Keogh's speech and others, at their last meeting. Dublin Evening Post, conducted by Archbishop Troy: Dublin Evening Herald.) Their priesthood, generally, and several ambitious tradesmen, as Keogh, the silk-mercer, and the popish bar in general, are desirous to make their way to power, and denounce those whom they consider as barring their road. The mass of the popish gentry desire to live on good terms with their fellow subjects. The army and navy, in which services I suppose there are not less than 80,000 Irish catholics, are, at present, perfectly loyal and well disposed; and the popish officers, of which there are very many, are liberal in their dispositions, and loyal in their principies. The labours of the factious have not as yet been able to shake these principles; but they have been more successful with the ignorant peasantry, whose principal grievance arises from the tithes they are obliged to pay to the protestant clergy, beside the maintenance of their own. This circumstance is laid hold of by the incendiaries, to excite in them a deeprooted hatred of the heretical government, that authorizes the exaction of such an intolerable burthen; and if this were removed, I am of opinion, the priests, and the lawyers, would find it difficult to enlist them in the cause of their bigotry and ambition; enjoying, as far as respects their own views and pursuits, every privilege and protection, in common with the members of the established church. If the obstructions were entirely removed, the ambitious, bigoted, and intriguing, would obtrude themselves every where with power, for they are always the most persevering andinde fatigable. It is in vain that you tell us the king would still have power of nom nating them to offices, or excluding them; the king is often compelled, by factious clamour, to do what is contrary to his judgment. If places of trust and power were not given up to them, they would say, as you say with respect to their juries, your fear has compelled you to grant us the ability to fill these places, but your illiberal jealousy excludes us.'

It would be in vain to follow the author in his various, and desultory arguments. To indicate the necessity of protecting the property of the protestants from confiscation, and their persons from outrage and violence, by the enactment of the penal laws, in the latter end of the 17th century, or to shew the perior humanity of the British government in tolerating the catholic worship, and extending to its professors the protection of the laws, to that of the Spaniards under Philip II. or the French under Louis XIV. who proscribed, and banish the protestants from their territories, or to condemn the institution of the inquisition, of which he approves; to combat such arguments would be a waste of words. The assertion (p. 27) that an annual procession, attended by the lord lieutenant, has regularly paraded the streets in Dublin, In commemoration of the battle of the Boyne, for the gratification of religious and political rancour, and for the humiliation of the catholics, and that the duke of Bedford was the first lord lieutenant who refused to grace it with his presence, is a gross misrepresentation. It had been customary for a detachment of troops from the garrison, consisting of a captain's guard, accompanied by a detachment of volunteer citizens, to fire a few volleys round the statue of king William, on the anniversary of the battle of the Boyne, in commemoration of the relief afforded to the protestants by that prince, from the confiscations, and the proscriptions, of the popish administration set up by James. This ceremony was never attended by a lord lieutenant, or any other magistrate; and could only have excited rancour or jealousy in the minds of such catholics, as felt the same passions and prejudices, within them, of that day. About the year 1792, or 3, the volunteers ceased to attend the firing party; but after the dangerous designs manifested by the priests, and the great body of the catholics, in 1798, some parties of the yeomanry again attended this commemoration, to shew their termination to preserve the connection with England, and the established conwith this connection the protestant establishment is indentified by the

whole of the priesthood, the ignorant peasantry, and the bigoted among the other classes, which are not few in number; and in their native language they have but one word to designate a protestant, an Englishman, and a pagan-the term Sarsenagh-and it is, in my mind, the principal, if not the only bond of union, between the two nations. The author takes much trouble in recapitulating the strong measures adopted by the protestants, towards the catholics, under William and Anne.--The followers of the reformed English charch were not divested of the feelings of men; smarting under the intolerance and persecution they had so lately endured from the catholics, when in power, it is but natural to suppose, that they would avail themselves of an opportunity to restrain the power of their adversaries to injure them, and to discourage, as much as possible, the growth of a religion, grounded in persecution and intolerance. Would the catholics, in their place, have conducted themselves with such moderation? They had, by parliamentary resolution, declared the pope to be high lord of Ireland, and the crown of England as holding only a delegated authority, which, when unacknowledged by the pope, could not be legal, or binding on the subject. Would it have been politic in the English government to permit a sect, holding such ideas, to obtain a preponderance in the nation?

It has never been alleged, that the catholic religion was adverse to subordination under a monarch of their own persuasion; that, under certain circumstances, it may be so under a protestant government, is not controverted by the argument drawn from Silesia. The natives of Silesia are, universally, catholics, which excludes all jarring of opinion among its inhabitants, as well as the bitterness arising from the remembrance of former oppressions, or struggles for power between parties of different religions. Neither the king of Prussia, nor the emperor of Austria, nor any other prince, in latter times, has permitted the interference of the pope, in any other than specula tive questions, concerning matters of religious opinion.-The irish catholics hold, "that the pope has a spiritual and ecclesiastical primacy of divine right, not only of honour and rank, but of real jurisdiction and authority, within that kingdom." (Archbishop Troy's pastoral letters, 1793.) The catholic priesthood of Ireland, who look up to a foreign prince, that prince the instrument of our inveterate eth.ny, for all honour and preferment; taken from the very dregs of the people, educated in foreign seminaries, or at home by foreign professors, they have no prejudice in favour of the superior benefits of the British constitution, to balance that bias to foreign patronage, which their interest teaches them to respect. That "we refuse to shew any indulgence towards such catholics as are engaged in our defence; or that "we insult their religion, and deprive them of the rites of their church, and free exercise of their worship," is an assertion equally unfounded with many others in this tract. It has always been customary to march the troops to church together; but no catholic soldier was ever known to be prevented from going afterwards to his own place of worship, nor have I ever known the sick in the hospital refused the assistance of a priest if he desired it; on the contrary, the utmost delicacy on this point has always actuated both commanding officer and surgeon; nor, until such pains have lately been taken to excite discontent in that class of his majesty's subjects, have I ever witnessed, or heard of an objection being made by a catholic soldier to march with his regiment to church, any more than to parade. It has been asserted, that one or two mutinous soldiers had, some time ago, laid hold of this fictious clamour, to complain of having been obliged to attend the reformed worship in the Isle of Wight. This assertion rests on the credit, however, of those who are not over scrupulous about the truth of their assertions; and, at best, is but one or two solitary instances out of 80,000. I will further venture to say, that this numerous class of insulted, and oppressed religionists, in the army and navy, form the most loyal and attached part of his majesty's subjects, notwithstanding the few opportunities they have of edification, and instruction, from their learned and pious clergy. I beg not to be considered, however, as holding any speculative motive of faith, to incapacitate me from being a loyal, and good servant of the state; the foreign influence, which the Irish catholics adhere so particularly to, I consider as the chief source of their uniform disaffection cut off this, teach their priesthood to look up to their king as the source of honour and preferment, and I object not to make the experiment of admitting them to places of trust and power.

STATE PAPERS.

ADMIRAL BERKELEY'S ORDER.

By the honourable George Cranfield Berkeley, vice-admiral of the white, and com mander in chief of his majesty's ships and vessels employed in the river St. Laurence, along the coast of Nova-Scotia, the islands of St. John, and Cape Breton, the Bay of and at and about the island of Bermuda or Summer Islands :Whereas many seamen, subjects of his Britannic majesty, and serving in his ships and vessels, as per margin,* while at anchor in the Chesapeak, deserted and entered on board the United States' frigate, called the Chesapeak, and openly paraded the streets of Norfolk, in sight of their officers, under the American flag, protected by the magistrates of the town, and the recruiting officer belonging to the above-mentioned American frigate, which magistrates and naval officers refused giving them up, although demanded by his Britannic majesty's consul, as well as the captains of the ships from which the said men had deserted: The caprains and commanders of his majesty's ships and vessels under my command, are therefore hereby required and directed, in case of meeting with the American frigate the Chesapeak, at sea and without the limits of the United States, to shew to the captain of her this order, and to require to search his ship, for the deserters from the before-mentioned ships, and to proceed and search for the same; and if a similar demand should be made by the American, he is to be permitted to search for any deserters from their service, according to the customs and usage of civilized nations, on terms of peace and amity with each other.

Given under my hand at Halifax, Nova Scotia, 1st of June, 1807,

To the respective caprins and commanders of his majesty's ships and vessels on the

North American Station.

G. C. BERKELEY,

PROCLAMATION OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

During the wars which, for some time, have unhappily prevailed among the powers of Europe, the United States of America, firm in their principles of peace, have endeavoured, by justice, by a regular discharge of all their national and social duties, and by every friendly office their situation has admitted, to maintain, with all the belligerents, their accustomed relations of friendship, hospitality, and commercial intercourse. Taking no part in the questions which animate these powers against each other, nor permitting themselves to entertain a wish but for the general restoration of peace, they have observed, with good faith, the neutrality they assumed, and they believe that no instance of a departure from its duties can be justly imputed to them by any nation. A free use of their harbours and waters, the means of refitting and refreshment, of succour to their sick and suffering, have, at all times, and on equal principles, been extended to all; and this too amidst a constant recurrence of acts of insubordination to the laws, of violence to the persons, and of trespasses on the property of our citizens, committed by officers of one of the belligerent parties received among us. In truth, these abuses of the laws of hospitality have, with few exceptions, become habitual to the commanders of the British armed vessels hovering on our coasts, and frequenting our harbours. They have been the subject of repeated representations to their government. Assurances have been given that proper orders should restrain them within the limit of the rights, and of the respect due to a friendly nation; but those orders and assurances have been without effect, and no instance of punishment for past wrongs has taken place. At length, a deed, transcending all we have hitherto seen, or suffered, brings the public sensibility to a serious crisis, and our forbearance to a necessary pause. A frigate of the United States, trusting to a state of peace, and leaving her harbour on a distant service, has been surprised and attacked by a British vessel of superiour force, one of a squadron then lying in our waters and covering the transaction, and has been disabled from service, with the loss of a number of men killed and wounded.

This enormity was not only without provocation or justifiable cause, but was committed with the avowed purpose of taking, by force, from a ship of war of the United States, a part of her crew; and that no circumstance might be wanting to mark its

* Belleisle, Bellona, Triumph, Chichester, Halifax, and Zenobia Cutter.

character, it had been previously ascertained that the seamen demanded were natives of the United States. Having effected his purpose, he returned to anchor with his squadron within our jurisdiction. Hospitality, under such circumstances, ceases to be a duty; and a continuance of it, with such uncontroulled abuses, would tend only, by multiplying injuries and irritations, to bring on a rupture between the two nations. This extreme resort is equally opposed to the interests of both, as it is to assurances of the most friendly dispositions on the part of the British government, in the midst of which this outrage has been committed. In this light the subject cannot but present itself to that government, and strengthen the motives to an honourable reparation of the wrong which has been done, and to that effectual controul of its naval commanders, which alone can justify the government of the United States in the exercise of those hospitalities it is now constrained to discontinue.

In consideration of these circumstances, and of the right of every nation to regulate its own police, to provide, for its peace, and for the safety of its citizens, and consequently to refuse the admission of armed vessels into its harbours or waters, either in such numbers or of such description, as are inconsistent with these, or with the maintenance of the authority of the laws, I have thought proper, in pursuance of the authorities specially given by law, to issue this my proclamation, hereby requiring all armed vessels, bearing commissions under the government of Great Britain, now within the harbours or waters of the United States, immediately, and without any delay, to depart from the same, and interdicting the entrance of all the said harbours and waters to the said armed vessels, and to all others bearing commissions under the authority of the British government.

And if the said vessels, or any of them, shall fail to depart as aforesaid, or if they, or any others, so interdicted, shall hereafter enter the harbours or waters aforesaid, I do in that case forbid all intercourse with them, or any of them, their officers or crews, and do prohibit all supplies and aid from being furnished to them, or any of them.

And I do declare and make known, that if any person from, or within the jurisdictional limits of, the United States, shall afford any aid to any such vessel, contrary to the prohibition contained in this proclamation, either in repairing any such vessel, or in furnishing her, her officers or crew, with supplies of any kind, or in any manner whatsoever, or if any pilot shall assist in navigating any of the said armed vessels, unless it be for the purpose of carrying them, in the first instance, beyond the limits and jurisdiction of the United States, or unless it be in the case of a vessel forced by distress, or charged with public dispatches, as hereinafter provided for, such person or persons shall, on conviction, suffer all the pains and penalties by the laws provided for in such offences.

And I do hereby enjoin and require all persons bearing office, civil or military, within or under the authority of the United States, and all others, citizens or inhabitants thereof, with vigilance and promptitude to exert their respective authorities, and to be aiding and assisting to the carrying this proclamation, and every part thereof, into full effect.

Provided, nevertheless, that if such vessels shall be forced into the harbours or waters of the United States, by distress, by the dangers of the sea, or by the pursuit of an enemy, or shall enter them, charged with dispatches or business from their government, or shall be a public packet for the conveyance of letters and dispatches, the commanding officer, immediately reporting his vessel to the collector of the district, stating the object, or the causes of entering the said harbours or waters, and conforming himself to the regulations in that case prescribed under authority of the laws, shall be allowed the benefit of such regulations respecting repairs, supplies, stay, intercourse, and departure, as shall be permitted under the same authority.

In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same.

Given at the city of Washington, the second day of July, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and seven, and of the sovereignty and independence of the United States the thirty-first.

(Sealed)

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

By the President, JAMES MADDISON, Secretary of State.

TREATY OF PEACE BETWEEN HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH AND KING OF ITALY, AND HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OF ALL THE RUSSIAS.

His majesty the emperor of France and king of Italy, protector of the confederation of the Rhine, and his majesty the emperor of Russia, animated with the same interest in putting an end to the devastations of war, have, for this purpose, nominated and furnished, with full powers, on the part of his majesty the emperor of France and king of Italy, Charles Maurice Talleyrand, prince of Benevento, his great chamberlain, and minister of foreign affairs, grand cross of the legion of honour, knight of the Prussian order of the black and of the red eagle, of the order of St. Huber.

His majesty the emperor of all the Russias has, on his part, appointed prince Kourakin, his actual privy counsellor, member of the council of state, and of the senate, chancellor of all the orders in the empire, ambassador extraordinary, and plenipotentiary of his majesty the emperor of all the Russias to his majesty the emperor of Austria, knight of the Russian order of St. Andrew, of St. Alexander, of St. Aube, of the first class of the order of St. Wolodomir, and of the second cass of the Prussian orders of the black and red eagle; of the Bavarian order of St. Hubert, of the Danish order of St. Dannebrog, and the perfect union, and bailiff and grand cross of the sovereign order of St. John of Jerusalem, and prince Demety Labaaoff Van Rostoff, lieutenant-general of the armies of his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, knight of the first class of the order of St. Anne, of the military order of St. Juris, and of the third class of the order of Wolodomir. The above-mentioned, after exchanging their full powers, have agreed upon the following articles.

Article I. From the day of exchanging the ratification of the present treaties, there shall be perfect peace and amity between his majesty the emperor of the French and king of Italy, and his majesty the emperor of all the Russias.

Art. II. Hostilities shall immediately cease at all points, by sea and land, as soon as the intelligence of the present treaty shall be officially received. In the meanwhile, the high contracting parties shall dispatch couriers extraordinary, to their respective generals and commanders,

Art. III. All ships of war, or other vessels, belonging to the high contracting par ties, or their subjects, which may be captured after the signing of this treaty, shall be restored: in case of these vessels being sold, the value shall be returned.

Art. IV. Out of esteem for his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, and to afford him a proof of his sincere desire to unite both nations in the bands of immutable confidence and friendship, the emperor Napoleon wishes, that all the countries, towns, and territories, conquered from the king of Prussia, the ally of his majesty the em peror of all the Russias, should be restored; namely, that part of the duchy of Magdeburgh situated on the right bank of the Rhine, the Mark of Prignitz, the Uker Mark, the Middle and New Mark of Brandenburgh, with the exception of the cir cle of Kotbuss, in lower Alsace, the duchy of Pomerania, Upper, Lower, and New Silesia, and the county of Glatz-that part of the district of the Netze, which is situated to the northward of the road of Driessien and Schneidemuhl, and to the northward of a line drawn from Schneidemuhl, through Waldou to the Vistula, and extending along the frontier of the circle of Bromberg, and the navigation of the river Netze, and of the canal of Bromberg, from Driessien to the Vistula and back, must remain open and free of all tolls; Pomercillia, the island of Nogat, the country on the right bank of the Vistula and of the Nogat, to the west of Old Prussia, and to the northward of the circle of Culm, Ermeland. Lastly, the kingdom of Prussia, as it was on the 1st of January, 1772, together with the fortresses of Spandau, Stettin, Custrin, Glogau, Breslau, Schweidnitz, Neisse, Brieg, Kosel, and Glatz, and in general all the fortresses, citadels, castles, and strong holds of the countries above-named, in the same condition in which those fortresses, citadels, castles, and strong holds may be at present; also, in addition to the above, the city and citadel of Graudentz.

Art. V. Those provinces which, on the 1st January, 1772, formed a part of the kingdom of Poland, and have since, at different times, been subjected to Prussia, (with the exception of the countries named or alluded to in the preceding article, and of those which are described below in the ninth article) shall become the pos session of his majesty the king of Saxony, with the power of possession and sove reignty, under the title of the duchy of Warsaw, and shall be governed according to a regulation, which will insure the liberties and privileges of the people of the said duchy, and be consistent with the security of the neighbouring states.