coming. I would not have altered my course, though I had foreseen all these afflictions. I never had more content of mind."

The supply of bread was nearly exhausted, when, on the fifth of February, 1631, after a long and stormy passage, the timely arrival of the Lyon from Bristol, laden with provisions, caused public thanksgiving through all the plantations. Yet the ship brought but twenty passengers, and quenched all hope of immediate accessions. In 1631, ninety only came over, fewer than had gone back the preceding year; in 1632, no more than two hundred and fifty arrived. Men waited to learn the success of the early adventurers. Those who had deserted excused their cowardice by defaming the country; and, moreover, ill-willers to New England were already railing against its people as separatists from the established church and traitors to the king.

The colony, now counting not many more than one thousand souls, while it developed its principles with unflinching courage, desired to avoid giving scandal to the civil and ecclesiastical government in England. Wilson was on the point of returning to bring over his wife; his church stood in special need of a teacher in his absence, and a young minister, "lovely in his carriage," "godly and zealous, having precious gifts," opportunely arrived in the Lyon. It was Roger Williams. "From his childhood, the Father of lights and mercies touched his soul with a love to himself, to his only-begotten Son, the true Lord Jesus, and his holy scriptures." In the forming period of his life he had been employed by Sir Edward Coke, and his natural inclination to study and activity was spurred on by the instruction and encouragement of the statesman, who was then, “in his intrepid and patriotic old age, the strennous asserter of liberty on the principles of ancient laws," and, by his writings, speeches, and example, lighted the zealous enthusiast on his way. Through the affection of the great lawyer, who called him endearingly his son, "the youth,” in whom all saw good hope, was sent to the Charter House in 1621, and passed with honor from that school to Pembroke College, in Cambridge, where he took a degree; but his clear mind went far beyond his patron in his persuasions against bishops, ceremonies, and the national church.

Pursued by Laud out of his native land, he had revolved the nature of intolerance, and had arrived at its only effectual remedy, the sanctity of conscience. In soul matters, he would have no weapons but soul weapons. The civil magistrate should restrain crime, but never control opinion; should punish guilt, but never violate inward freedom. The principle contained within itself an entire reformation of theological jurisprudence it would blot from the statute-book the felony of non-conformity; would quench the fires that persecution had so long kept burning; would repeal every law compelling attendance on public worship; would abolish tithes and all forced contributions to the maintenance of religion; would give an equal protection to every form of religious faith; and never suffer the force of the government to be employed against the dissenters' meeting-house, the Jewish synagogue, or the Roman cathedral. In the unwavering assertion of his views, he never changed his position; the sanctity of conscience was the great tenet which, with all its consequences, he defended, as he first trod the shores of New England; and, in his extreme old age, it was still the desire of his heart. The doctrine was a logical consequence of either of the two great distinguishing principles of the reformation, as well of justification by faith alone as of the equality of all believers; and it was sure to be one day accepted by the whole Protestant world. But it placed the emigrant in direct opposition to the system of the founders of Massachusetts, who were bent on making the state a united body of believers.

On landing in Boston, Roger Williams found himself unable to join with its church members. He had separated from the establishment in England, which wronged conscience by disregarding its scruples; they were "an unseparated people,' who refused to renounce communion with their persecutors; he would not suffer the magistrate to assume jurisdiction over the soul by punishing what was no more than a breach of the first table, an error of conscience or belief; they were willing to put the whole decalogue under the guardianship of the civil authority. The thought of employing him as a minister was therefore abandoned, and the church of Boston was, in Wil son's absence, commended to "the exercise of prophecy."

The death of Higginson had left Salem in want of a teacher, and in April it called Williams to that office. Winthrop and the assistants "marvelled" at the precipitate choice; and, by a letter to Endecott, they desired the church to forbear. The warning was heeded, and Roger Williams withdrew to Plymouth.

The government was still more careful to protect the privileges of the colony from "episcopal and malignant practices," against which they had been cautioned from England. For that purpose, at the general court convened in May after "the corn was set," an oath of fidelity was offered to the freemen, binding them "to be obedient and conformable to the laws and constitutions of this commonwealth, to advance its peace, and not to suffer any attempt at making any change or alteration of the government contrary to its laws." One hundred and eighteen of "the commonalty" took this oath; the few who refused were never "betrusted with any public charge or command." The old officers were again continued in office without change, but "the commons" asserted their right of annually adding or removing members from the bench of magistrates. And a law of still greater moment, pregnant with evil and with good, at the same time narrowed the elective franchise: "To the end this body of the commons may be preserved of honest and good men, it was ordered and agreed that, for the time to come, no man shall be admitted to the freedom of this body politic but such as are members of some of the churches within the limits of the same." Thus the polity became a theocracy; God himself was to govern his people; and the "saints by calling," whose names an immutable decree had registered from eternity as the objects of divine love, whose election had been visibly manifested by their conscious experience of religion in the heart, whose union was confirmed by the most solemn compact formed with Heaven and one another around the memorials of a crucified Redeemer, were, by the fundamental law of the colony, constituted the oracle of the divine will. An aristocracy was founded; not of wealth, but of those who had been ransomed at too high a price to be ruled by polluting passions, and had received the seal of divinity in proof of their fitness to do

"the noblest and godliest deeds." Other states have confined political rights to the opulent, to freeholders, to the first-born; the Calvinists of Massachusetts, refusing any share of civil power to the clergy, established the reign of the visible church, a commonwealth of the chosen people in covenant with God.

The dangers apprehended from England seemed to require a union consecrated by the holiest rites. The public mind of the colony was in other respects ripening for democratic liberty. It could not rest satisfied with leaving the assistants in possession of all authority, and of an almost independent existence; and the magistrates, with the exception of the passionate Ludlow, were willing to yield. It was therefore agreed, at the next general court, that the governor and assistants should be annually chosen. The people, satisfied with the recognition of their right, re-elected their former magistrates with silence and modesty. The germ of a representative government was already visible; each town was ordered to choose two men, to appear at the next court of assistants, and concert a plan for a public treasury. The measure had become necessary, for a levy, made by the assistants alone, had awakened alarm and opposition.

While a happy destiny was thus preparing for Massachusetts a representative government, relations with the natives were extended. In April, 1631, there came from the banks of the Connecticut the sagamore of the Mohegans, to extol the fertility of his country, and solicit an English plantation as a bulwark against the Pequods; in May, the nearer Nipmucks invoked the aid of the emigrants against the tyranny of the Mohawks; and in July, the son of the aged Canonicus exchanged presents with the governor.

In August, 1632, Miantonomoh himself, the great warrior of the Narragansetts, the youthful colleague of Canonicus, became a guest at the board of Winthrop, and was present with the congregation at a sermon from Wilson.

To perfect friendship with the pilgrims, the governor of Massachusetts, with Wilson, pastor of Boston, near the end of October, 1632, repaired to Plymouth. From the south shore of Boston harbor it was a day's journey, for they travelled on foot. In honor of the great event, Bradford and Brewster,

the governor and elder of the old colony, came forth to meet them and conduct them to the town, where they were kindly entertained and feasted. "On the Lord's Day they did partake of the sacrament;" in the afternoon, a question was propounded for discussion; the pastor spoke briefly; the teacher prophesied; the governor of Plymouth, the elder, and others of the congregation took part in the conference, which, by express desire, was closed by the guests from Boston. Thus was fellowship confirmed with Plymouth. From the Chesapeake a rich freight of corn had been received, and trade was begun with the Dutch at Hudson river.

These better auspices and the invitations of Winthrop won new emigrants from Europe. In 1633, during the long summer voyage of the two hundred passengers who freighted the Griffin, three sermons a day beguiled their weariness. Among them was Haynes, a man of very large estate, and larger affections; of a "heavenly" mind and a spotless life; of rare sagacity and accurate but unassuming judgment; by nature tolerant, ever a friend to freedom, ever conciliating peace; an able legislator; dear to the people by his benevolent virtues and his disinterested conduct. Then also came the most revered spiritual teachers of two commonwealths: the acute and subtile John Cotton, the son of a Puritan lawyer; eminent at Cambridge as a scholar; quick in the nice perception of distinctions, and pliant in dialectics; in manner persuasive rather than commanding; skilled in the fathers and the schoolmen, but finding all their wisdom compactly stored in Calvin; deeply devout by nature as well as habit from childhood; hating heresy and still precipitately eager to prevent evil actions by suppressing ill opinions, yet verging toward a progress in truth and in religious freedom; an avowed enemy to democracy, which he feared as the blind despotism of animal instincts in the multitude, yet opposing hereditary power in all its forms; desiring a government of moral opinion, according to the laws of universal equity, and claiming "the ultimate resolution for the whole body of the people ;" and Thomas Hooker, of vast endowments, a strong will, and an energetic mind; ingenuous in his temper, and open in his professions; trained to benevolence by the discipline of affliction;