tude toward Mexico and the European War by pressing the question as to the direction in which the Republicans would change it. As Hughes was apparently unwilling to urge immediate war on Germany, he could only retort that a firm attitude in the beginning would have prevented trouble, and there the matter rested throughout the campaign. Supporters of Wilson also defended his foreign policy, summing up their contentions in the phrase, "He kept us out of war.”

Foreign policy as a political issue was pressed temporarily into the background by the sudden demand of the railroad brotherhoods for shorter hours and more pay, threatening a nation-wide strike if their plea was unheeded. Neither party wished to risk the labor vote by opposing the unions, and the public did not desire a strike, much as it deprecated the attitude of the labor leaders in threatening trouble at this juncture. The President took the lead in pressing a program of railroad legislation, part of which was a law granting the men what they desired. This was immediately passed, although the remaining recommendations were laid aside. In the House the Republicans joined with the Democrats in putting the law through, although nearly thirty per cent. of the members refrained from voting at all, but in the Senate party lines were more strictly drawn. In many quarters the President was vigorously condemned on the ground that he had "surrendered" to a threat. Hughes joined in the dissent, but somewhat dulled its effect by giving no evidence of opposition until the law was passed and by stating that he would not attempt to repeal it if elected. During the closing days of the campaign Hughes issued a statement declaring that he looked upon the presidency as an executive office and stated that if chosen he would consider himself the administrative and executive head

only, and not a political leader commissioned with the responsibility of determining policies. At the close of the campaign, also, the benefits of a protective tariff were urged as a reason for electing Hughes.

The result of the balloting on November 7 was in doubt for several days because the outcome hinged on the votes of California and Minnesota, either of which would turn the scale. In the end Wilson was found to have received 9,128,837 votes and Hughes, 8,536,380. The vote in the electoral college was 277 to 254. The outcome was remarkable in several respects. Each candidate received a larger popular vote than had ever before been cast; Wilson won without New York or any of the other large eastern states, finding his support in the South and the Far West; each side was able to get satisfaction from the result, the Republicans because their party schism was sufficiently healed to enable them to divide the House of Representatives evenly with their opponents, and the Democrats because their candidate was successful in states which elected Republican senators and governors by large majorities.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

In the nature of the case, any bibliography which concerns the events of so recent and important a period is of temporary value only. Ogg presents an excellent one, but many important volumes have been printed since 1917, his date of publication.

A reliable account of the chief events is contained in the American Year Book. The numerous biographies of President Wilson are written under the difficult conditions that surround the discussion of recent events. Available ones are: E. C. Brooks, Woodrow Wilson as President (1916), eulogistic, but contains extracts from speeches; W. B. Hale, Woodrow

Wilson, The Story of His Life (1912); H. J. Ford, Woodrow Wilson (1916); A. M. Low, Woodrow Wilson, an Interpretation (1918), a friendly and substantial analysis by an English newspaper correspondent; W. E. Dodd, Woodrow Wilson and His Work (1920), sympathetic, written in the spirit of the investigator, and the best life up to the time of its publication. Better than any biography is a careful study of Wilson's addresses and speeches, editions of which have been prepared by A. B. Hart, J. B. Scott, A. Shaw and others.

Periodical literature concerning the legislative program of the first Wilson administration is especially abundant. On the tariff, in addition to Taussig, consult: Quarterly Journal of Economics (1913), "The Tariff Act of 1913"; Journal of Political Economy (1914), "The Tariff of 1913." On the federal reserve system, Political Science Quarterly (1914), "Federal Reserve System"; Quarterly Journal of Economics (1914), "Federal Reserve Act of 1913"; American Economic Review (1914), "Federal Reserve Act"; Journal of Political Economy (1914), "Banking and Currency Act of 1913"; H. P. Willis, The Federal Reserve (1915); E. W. Kemmerer, The A B C of the Federal Reserve System (1918). On the anti-trust acts, Political Science Quarterly (1915), "New Anti-Trust Acts"; Quarterly Journal of Economics (1914), "Trust Legislation of 1914"; American Economic Review (1914), "Trade Commission Act." For the early stages of the European conflict see the references under Chapter XXV.

The best accounts of the election of 1916 are in the American Year Book, and in Ogg. Other readable accounts are: Nineteenth Century (Dec., 1916), "The Re-Election of President Wilson"; W. E. Dodd, Woodrow Wilson (1920).

CHAPTER XXV

THE UNITED STATES AND THE WORLD WAR

HE reelection of Wilson in November, 1916, could hardly be interpreted in any other light than as an approval of his patient foreign policy. Nevertheless, for the ensuing five months the problem of our international relations, and especially the question whether we ought to enter the World War, continued to divide the American people into hostile camps. The opponents of the President, led by Roosevelt, contended that Wilson was lacking in "patriotism, courage and foresight"; that the failure of the administration to protest against Germany's march across Belgium was due to timidity and a "mean commercial opportunism" which caused the President to act in the spirit of refusing to perform a duty unless there was a pecuniary profit to be gained thereby; and that the interchanges of diplomatic notes with the German government were "benevolent phrase-mongering" which did not accomplish anything. When Germany used the submarine to sink vessels despite the President's "strict accountability" note and when the administration did not then take forceful action against the offender, his opponents declared that the President meant "precisely and exactly nothing" by his words. Late in 1915 Wilson became convinced of the necessity of an increase in our means of defense, and in order to arouse Congress to action he went out into the Middle West where he addressed large audiences on