The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of War, enclosing a statement, prepared by the Third Auditor, comprising the names of the persons whose accounts have been settled, agreeably to the provisions of the act of the 3d of March, 1823, entitled An act in addition to the act, entitled An act for the prompt settlement of public accounts."

On motion of Mr. Taylor, it was

Ordered, That the daily hour to which this House shall stand adjourned, be 12 o'clock, meridian, until otherwise ordered. And then the House adjourned.

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 7, 1824.

Three other members, to wit: from Maine, Stephen Longfellow, and from Virginia, Arthur Smith and George Tucker, appeared, and took their seats.

A message, in writing, was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Everett, his Secretary, which was read, and is as follows:

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate,

and of the House of Representatives :

THE view which I have now to present to you, of our affairs, Foreign and Domestic, realizes the most sanguine anticipations which have been entertained of the public prosperity. If we look to the whole, our growth, as a Nation, continues to be rapid, beyond example; if to the States which compose it, the same gratifying spectacle is exhibited. Our expansion over the vast territory within our limits has been great, without indicating any decline in those sections from which the emigration has been most conspicuous. We have daily gained strength by a native population in every quartera population devoted to our happy system of Government, and cherishing the bond of union with fraternal affection. Experience has already shewn, that the difference of climate, and of industry, proceeding from that cause, inseparable from such vast domains, and which, under other systems, might have a repulsive tendency, cannot fail to produce, with us, under wise regulations, the opposite effect. What one portion wants, the other may supply, and this will be most sensibly felt by the parts most distant from each other, forming, thereby, a domestic market, and an active intercourse between the extremes and throughout every portion of our Union. Thus, by a happy distribution of power between the National and State Governments, governments which rest exclusively on the sovereignty of the people, and are fully adequate to the great purposes for which they were respectively instituted, causes which might otherwise lead to dismemberment, operate powerfully to draw us closer together. In every other circumstance, a correct view of the actual state of our Union must be equally gratifying to our constituents. Our relations with foreign powers are of a friendly character, although cer

Our reve

tain interesting differences remain unsettled with some. nue. under the mild system of impost and tonnage, continues to be adequate to all the purposes of the Government. Our agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and navigation, flourish. Our fortifications are advancing, in the degree authorized by existing appropriations, to maturity, and due progress is made in the augmentation of the navy, to the limit prescribed for it by law. For these blessings, we owe to Almighty God, from whom we derive them, and with profound reverence, our most grateful and unceasing acknowledgments.

In adverting to our relations with foreign powers, which are always an object of the highest importance, I have to remark, that, of the subjects which have been brought into discussion with them during the present administration, some have been satisfactorily terminated; others have been suspended, to be resumed hereafter, under circumstances more favorable to success; and others are still in negotiation, with the hope that they may be adjusted, with mutual accommodation to the interests, and to the satisfaction, of the respective parties. It has been the invariable object of this Government, to cherish the most friendly relations with every power, and on principles and conditions which might make them permanent. A systematic effort has been made to place our commerce with each power on a footing of perfect reciprocity; to settle with each, in a spirit of candor and liberality, all existing differences, and to anticipate and remove, so far as it might be practicable, all causes of future variance.

It having been stipulated by the seventh article of the convention of navigation and commerce, which was concluded on the twentyfourth of June, one thousand eight bundred and twenty-two, between the United States and France, that the said convention should continue in force for two years, from the first of October, of that year, and for an indefinite term afterwards, unless one of the parties should declare its intention to renounce it, in which event it should cease to operate at the end of six months from such declaration; and no such intention having been announced, the convention having been found advantageous to both parties, it has since remained, and still remains, in force. At the time when that convention was concluded, many interesting subjects were left unsettled, and particularly our claim to indemnity for spoliations which were committed on our commerce in the late wars. For these interests and claims, it was in the contemplation of the parties to make provision, at a subsequent day, by a more comprehensive and definitive treaty. The object has been duly attended to since by the Executive, but, as yet, it has not been accomplished. It is hoped that a favorable opportunity will present itself for opening a negotiation, which may embrace and arrange all existing differences, and every other concern in which they have a common interest. upon the accession of the present king of France, an event which has occurred since the close of the last session of Congress.

With Great Britain our commercial intercourse rests on the same footing that it did at the last session. By the convention of one thou

sand eight hundred and fifteen, the commerce between the United States and the British dominions in Europe and the East Indies, was arranged on a principle of reciprocity. That convention was confirmed and continued in force, with slight exceptions, by a subsequent treaty, for the term of ten years, from the twentieth of October, one thousand eight bundred and eighteen, the date of the latter. The trade with the British colonies, in the West Indies, has not, as yet, been arranged by treaty, or otherwise, to our satisfaction. An approach to that result has been made by legislative acts, whereby many serious impediments, which had been raised by the parties, in defence of their respective claims, were removed. An earnest desire exists, and has been manifested on the part of this Government, to place the commerce with the colonies, likewise, on a footing of reciprocal advantage; and it is hoped that the British Government, seeing the justice of the proposal, and its importance to the colonies, will, ere long, accede to it.

The Commissioners who were appointed for the adjustment of the boundary, between the territories of the United States and those of Great Britain, specified in the fifth article of the Treaty of Ghent, having disagreed in their decision, and both Governments having agreed to establish that boundary by amicable negotiation between them, it is hoped that it may be satisfactorily adjusted in that mode. The boundary specified by the sixth article has been established by the decision of the commissioners. From the progress made in that provided for by the seventh, according to a report recently received, there is good cause to presume that it will be settled in the course of the ensuing year.

It is a cause of serious regret, that no arrangement has yet been finally concluded between the two Governments, to secure, by joint co-operation, the suppression of the slave trade. It was the object of the British Government, in the early stages of the negotiation, to adopt a plan for the suppression, which should include the concession of the mutual right of search by the ships of war of each party, of the vessels of the other, for suspected offenders. This was objected to by this Government, on the principle that, as the right of search was a right of war of a belligerant towards a neutral power, it might have an ill effect to extend it, by treaty, to an offence which had been made comparatively mild, to a time of peace. Anxious, however, for the suppression of this trade, it was thought adviseable, in compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives, founded on an act of Congress, to propose to the British Government an expedient, which should be free from that objection, and more effectual for the object, by making it piratical. In that mode, the enormity of the crime would place the offenders out of the protection of their Government, and involve no question of search, or other question, between the parties. touching their respective rights. It was believed, also, that it would completely suppress the trade in the vessels of both parties, and, by their respective citizens and subjects, in those of other powers, with whom, it was hoped, that the odium which would thereby

be attached to it, would produce a corresponding arrangement, and, by means thereof, its entire extirpation forever. A convention to this effect was concluded and signed, in London, on the thirteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-four, by plenipotentiaries duly authorized by both Governments, to the ra tification of which certain obstacles have arisen, which are not yet entirely removed. The difference between the parties still remaining, has been reduced to a point, not of sufficient magnitude, as is presumed, to be permitted to defeat an object so near to the heart of both nations, and so desirable to the friends of humanity throughout the world. As objections, however, to the principle recommended by the House of Representatives, or at least to the consequences inseparable from it, and which are understood to apply to the law, have been raised, which may deserve a reconsideration of the whole subject, I have thought it proper to suspend the conclusion of a new convention until the definitive sentiments of Congress may be ascertained. The documents relating to the negotiation, are, with that intent, submitted to your consideration.

Our commerce with Sweden has been placed on a footing of perfect reciprocity by treaty, and, with Russia, the Netherlands, Prussia, the free Hanseatic Cities, the Dukedom of Oldenburg, and Sardinia, by internal regulations on each side, founded on mutual agreement between the respective Governments.

The principles upon which the commercial policy of the United States is founded. are to be traced to an early period. They are essentially connected with those upon which their independence was declared, and owe their origin to the enlightened men who took the lead in our affairs at that important epoch. They are developed in their first treaty of commerce with France, of sixth February, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, and by a formal commission, which was instituted immediately after the conclusion of their Revolutionary struggle, for the purpose of negotiating treaties of commerce with every European power. The first treaty of the United States with Prussia, which was negotiated by that commission, affords a signal illustration of those principles. The act of Congress of the third March, one thousand eight hundred and fifteen, adopted immediately after the return of a general peace, was a new overture to foreign nations to establish our commercial relations with them on the basis of free and equal reciprocity. That principle has pervaded all the acts of Congress, and all the negotiations of the Executive on the subject since.

A convention for the settlement of important questions in relation to the Northwest Coast of this continent, and its adjoining seas, was concluded and signed at St. Petersburg. on the fifth day of April last, by the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, and Plenipotentiaries of the Imperial Government of Russia. It will immediately be laid before the Senate for the exercise of the constitutional authority of that body, with reference to its ratification. It is proper to add, that the manner in which this negotiation was invited and conducted on the part of the Emperor, has been very satisfactory.

The great and extraordinary changes which have happened in the Government of Spain and Portugal, within the last two years, without seriously affecting the friendly relations which, under all of them, have been maintained with those powers by the United States, have been obstacles to the adjustment of the particular subjects of discussion which have arisen with each. A resolution of the Senate, adopted at their last session, called for information as to the effect produced upon our relations with Spain, by the recognition, on the part of the United States, of the Independent South American Governments. The papers containing that information are now communicated to Congress.

A Chargé d'Affaires has been received from the Independent Government of Brazil. That country, heretofore a colonial possession of Portugal, had, some years since, been proclaimed by the Sovereign of Portugal himself, an independent kingdom. Since his return to Lisbon a revolution in Brazil has established a new Government there, with an Imperial title, at the head of which is placed the Prince, in whom the Regency had been vested by the King, at the time of his departure. There is reason to expect that, by amicable negotiation, the independence of Brazil will, ere long, be recognized by Portugal herself."

With the remaining powers of Europe, with those on the coast of Barbary, and with all the new South American States, our relations are of a friendly character. We have Ministers Plenipotentiary re siding with the Republics of Colombia and Chili, and have received Ministers, of the same rank, from Colombia, Guatimala, Buenos Ayres, and Mexico. Our commercial relations with all those States, are mutually beneficial and increasing. With the Republic of Colombia, a Treaty of Commerce has been formed, of which a copy is received, and the original daily expected. A negotiation for a like Treaty would have been commenced with Buenos Ayres, had it not been prevented by the indisposition, and lamented decease, of Mr. Rodney, our Minister there, and to whose memory the most respectful attention has been shewn by the Government of that Republic. An advantageous alteration in our Treaty with Tunis has been obtained by our Consular-Agent residing there, the official document of which, when received, will be laid before the Senate.

The attention of the Government has been drawn with great solicitude to other subjects, and particularly to that relating to a state of maritime war, involving the relative rights of neutral and belligerant in such wars. Most of the difficulties which we have experienced, and of the losses which we have sustained, since the establishment of our Independence, have proceeded from the unsettled state of those rights, and the extent to which the belligerant claim has been carried against the neutral party. It is impossible to look back on the occurrences of the late wars in Europe, and to behold the disregard which was paid to our rights as a neutral power, and the waste which was made of our commerce by the parties to those wars, by various acts of their respective Governments, and under the pretext,