to men who, having been elected into | introducing their own tenets, through fellowships since the beginning of the the violence of which the two parties troubles, were not so strict in their pre- were mutually guilty. judices as their neighbours; who were The Corporation Act disabled them accused of Arminianism, and a prelati- from holding any situations in boroughs, cal spirit, and were denied preferments (1672,) and the Test threw them out for this reason. These same persons, of all offices, or places of trust or profit; on joining the church, were not particu- for it enacted that persons filling such larly forward in showing their zeal for employments should not only take the it, by abusing those who had scruples oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and about it. They were friends to the receive the eucharist according to the Liturgy, and unwilling that any essen- rites of the church of England, but tial alterations should be introduced make also a declaration against traninto it; and were adverse to the crude substantiation. Any act performed in effusions and blasphemous familiari- executing the office, after refusing to ties, sanctioned under the name of ex- take the oaths or the sacrament, incatempore prayer. They admired the pacitated the offender from prosecuting moderation of the church of England, in any suit of law, and subjected him and were friends to liberty of con- to a fine of 500l. The law, however, science; being ready to conform them- which affected them most severely, was selves, they wished that as little as that which excluded them from both possible should be imposed as of neces- Houses of Parliament, by enacting, sity. Although it is objected to them (1678,) that no one should sit or vote that they were not sound friends to in either House till they had taken the the establishment, they could not help oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and imagining that the essentials of Chris- signed a declaration against transubtianity are of as much consequence as stantiation, the invocation of saints, and any external ceremonies. They were the sacrifice of the mass, and added that accused of admitting innovations in this declaration was made without any philosophy, but they could not be led mental reservation, or idea that it could to imagine that the church of England be dispensed with by the pope. The need fear any investigation of truth; penalty was a fine of 5007., and the seat they thought that her greatest danger of a commoner was rendered vacant, consisted in the chance that her defend- and the peer disabled from sitting durers, armed with the ancient weapons ing the parliament. The same penalty only, might be called upon to encounter was incurred by a popish recusant conthose who had adopted the new. The vict coming into the presence of the appellation was of that nature, that king or queen. The duke of York was many persons would be so denomi- excepted from the operation of this act. nated, who held no very distinctive These enactments were nugatory with opinions on these topics; and as this regard to a king who was determined spirit extended itself to other depart-to govern without laws, and without a ments as well as the church, it paved parliament; but had one injurious efthe way in politics for our present fect, that they tended to unite every constitution; in philosophy, for the dis- friend of the Roman Catholic religion coveries of Sir Isaac Newton; and in in firm adherence to the crown, when the church, for that liberty of con- the crown was opposed to the liberties science, which, through God's blessing, of the subject. has been subsequently established. § 720. Many of the laws which have been already mentioned, bore with equal severity on the Roman Catholics; but the hopes of the members of this communion were supported by the divisions among Protestants, and the prospect of 1 This account is taken from a tract published in the Phoenix, ii. 501. See also an article in Butler's Roman Catholics, iii. 141. § 721. The warmth with which all parties regarded each other was kept up, and the mind of the nation retained in this unnatural state of excitation, by many plots, real and pretended, with which the country was agitated. To say nothing of other disturbances, Venner, and some fifth-monarchy men, 2 25° Charles II. 2. 330° Charles II. stat. 2, c. 1. § 722. In order to counteract the fatal effects which this plot was inflicting on the Roman Catholics, a sham plot was contrived for the purpose of throwing the odium on the presbyterians and the heads of the country party; but Dangerfield, who was chiefly concerned in it, discovered the truth; and the attempt only tended to confirm the kingdom in its opinion of the danger from the Roman Catholics, and to create a greater dislike to them, while it contributed to convince all sober-minded persons that no one could be safe under such a government, or guard against the effects of perjury and a prejudiced or packed jury; a truth which was more sadly confirmed by the fate of Lord Russell and Algernon Sidney," who, whatever might have been their guilt, were in all probability unjustly condemned; and, indeed, throughout the latter part of this reign, the law seems to have been made an engine rather for the oppression of the subject than for his defence. threw London into a state of great occasioned by this plot enabled Lord alarm, but were immediately suppress- Shaftesbury to carry the bill which exed. (1661.) Phillips, Stubbs, and two cluded Roman Catholics from the wo others, were executed (1662) for another Houses, and we owe to it the passing conspiracy; and the year afterwards of the Habeas Corpus. (1663) twenty-one conspirators were put to death in the north. But the plot (1678) which caused the greatest agitation, was that with the discovery of which the name of Titus Oates has been so constantly connected, that it is generally known by the appellation of Oates's plot. He stated himself to have been engaged with the Roman Catholics, at home and abroad, and now brought forward the evidence of a plot framed in order to introduce the Roman Catholic religion into England, and to murder the king. For this plot ten laymen and seven priests of that persuasion suffered, and seventeen more were condemned to death, some of whom died in prison; yet it is still a question whether the whole of the evidence under which they were convicted were not fictitious. There can probably be no doubt in the mind of any one that there was a plot generally to introduce the Roman Catholic religion; and the conspirators, among whom were some of the most exalted persons in the country, might have been little scrupulous as to the means of effecting their object; but whether the intention of murdering the king were ever seriously entertained is very problematical; and Sir Walter Scott has, with his usual skill, taken advantage of the violence raised by this question, when he makes Charles say, "I can scarce escape suspicion of the plot myself, though the principal object of it is to take away my own life." Men believed the evidence which was sworn to by the witnesses, and a jury which did so could not but convict the prisoners; but, unfortunately, perjury was by no means uncommon at this period. The conviction of Oates himself, and the severity with which he was treated in the next reign, does not invalidate the evidence, because it proves too much, and only really shows the temper with which both parties could act when they were possessed of power. The excitement 1 Rapin, ii. 688; Welwood's Memoirs, 128. 2 Butler's Roman Catholics, iii. 74. § 723. The circumstance, that the heir presumptive to the crown was a Roman Catholic, and anxious to introduce his own religion into the country, together with a well-founded belief that the king himself secretly belonged to that communion, could not fail to raise a very general idea that the stability of the church was in danger; but the whole of this question properly belongs to the civil historian. There was no probability that the Roman Catholics would be able to convert the Protestants, or establish their religion by any other methods than those which must first have destroyed the liberty of the subject; except, indeed, inasmuch as 3 Rapin, ii. 729, 730. 4 The question of Lord Russell's guilt seems to turn on the truth of the evidence. A jury man who believed the evidence could hardly help convicting him. If a man meet a party frequently which is plotting to overthrow a government by force, and is present when some of them are despatched to see whether the guards may be surprised, surely he must, in foro conscientia as well as legali, be guilty of treason. I own I do not believe the evidence. the violence with which the Protestants | liberty of conscience, wherein, among attacked each other, might induce the other things, he says, "That all his timid members of their communion to subjects might, with minds happily throw themselves into the arms of the composed by his indulgence, apply church of Rome, and to seek to quiet themselves to their several vocations;" their doubts under the treacherous se- and in his speech at the opening of curity of her infallibility. parliament, he says, "And yet if the The real state of the question seems dissenters will demean themselves to be this. The Roman Catholics were peaceably and modestly under the more friendly to arbitrary power than government, I could heartily wish I the presbyterians; they possessed a had such a power of indulgence to more gentlemanly religion, to adopt the use upon occasions, as might not needidea of Charles II.; and the church of lessly force them out of the kingdom, England lying between the two, ap-or, staying here, give them cause to proaching to the church of Rome in the conspire against the peace of it." This imitation of ancient rites and ceremo-step created so great a terror, that, the nies, and in her respect for antiquity, commons voted an address against any and coinciding with the rest of the indulgence to those who presumed to reformed churches in her strict agree- dissent from the act of uniformity and ment with the Scriptures in point of the religion established by law; and doctrine, drew nearest to the former many reasons were assigned why such when the country seemed in danger an indulgence was unadvisable, particufrom republicanism; but when the larly since continual concession must change in the face of politics marked at length lead to a general toleration. out the evils which were to be appre- A similar attempt was made (March hended from arbitrary power and the 15, 1672) when the king published a introduction of the Roman Catholic declaration of toleration which susreligion, the high and the low church pended all the penal laws on account parties joined to repel the threatened of religion, and the result was the invasion, and raised the cry of "No same. popery." It is difficult, however, to The presbyterians were as adverse suppose that either Charles or James, as the church to toleration. The mass at this time, cared more for religion of the people and their representatives than as it affected politics, or that were unwilling to make concessions or Shaftesbury sought for any thing be- to grant indulgence to the nonconformyond the establishment of his own ists, and even less favourable to the influence, and the predominance of Roman Catholics; while every true those principles which he had himself lover of his country must have been espoused. But these observations must alarmed at seeing the king assume to not be extended to the country. When himself a power which the disorganized the feeling was excited, men entertained state of the kingdom appeared to renit according to their tempers. In the der in some degree necessary, but estimation of the sincere it was a point which was inconsistent with the due in which religion was closely concerned; observance of the laws, since all enactand as those who cared not for religion ments must be nugatory if the crown gave it the same denomination, it can dispense with them. The Roman became one of those mixed questions Catholics and the court desired that the which agitate the country with the severities exercised on the nonconformgreatest vehemence; one in which the ists should so dissatisfy the minds of religious scruples of the people are sober men that they might all readily apparently joined with their temporal embrace a toleration flowing entirely from the crown; the country party dreaded the assumption of such a power; but till the difficulties which preceded the Revolution had convinced the nation of the necessity of toleration, interests. § 724. It was for these reasons that the commons viewed with alarm two attempts which were made by the king to grant indulgence to those who differed from the church. (Dec. 26, 1662.) Charles had published a declaration for no one seemed willing to concede such liberty to others as he justly claimed for himself. § 725. The nonconformists are often praised for the disinterested readiness with which they declined accepting a -toleration granted to themselves, upon condition that the Roman Catholics should share in it; but though we can account for such feelings, we can hardly applaud the liberality of men who would rather give up their own liberty in religious matters than suffer their neighbours to worship God as they pleased. The exclusion of the Roman Catholics from places of trust, and from the two Houses, and the attempt to deprive the duke of York of his right of succession to the crown, stand on totally different grounds from the question of toleration. It must be the inherent right of every body politic to defend itself; if, therefore, the constitution will be endangered by committing power into the hands of those who entertain opinions inconsistent with the safety of the state, the supreme authority of a kingdom must have a power of making such an exclusion; it can only be defended on the plea of necessity, and if necessary, it must be just. The common safety of the whole must give the captain of a ship the right of throwing the property of his passengers into the sea; but unless he can show that the safety of the whole depends on his doing so, he will have much difficulty in persuading his passengers to consent to the measure; yet it may become his duty to take the responsibility of such an act upon himself. The policy and the justice of each of these proceedings are inseparable, and depend entirely on the necessity. All exclusion is, per se, an evil; circumstances may render it the less of two evils; but no Christian country can have a right to hinder men from worshipping God according to their own fashion, provided it be done peaceably, and without disturbance to society. § 726. It would be totally inconsistent with the plan of this work, to enter into any description of the policy of this reign. It consisted in a variety of contrivances, by which the crown endeavoured to obtain money from a yielding parliament, and the bargains which the House of Commons made for each of its concessions; bargains, in which the welfare of one part of the community, and the well-being of the whole, were sacrificed to the supposed interests of the rest. The money was no sooner obtained than it was squandered on the most unworthy purposes, and the liberty of the subject preserved, not by any constitutional stand, or carefulness in the parliament, but because the prodigality of the court always kept the king at the mercy of his people. § 727. Among the various calamities which attended this eventful reign, there are two of so marked a character, that we can hardly omit the mention of them; particularly as they each tended to call forth the energies of the church and the nonconformists; and furnished a short space of time, during which the labours of both were directed to the same important object. The plague broke out in London, in May, 1665, and raged with greater or less violence till the fire put an end to its contagion. The upper orders, generally speaking, fled, to avoid its ravages, and unfortunately some of the London clergy imitated their example; but their places were quickly filled by the nonconformists, and the near prospect of death caused a strong effect on the minds of many persons, to whom the ministers of God's word addressed themselves. Writers who have described the events which attended this pestilence, speak of the religious impressions which were generally produced on the people; and though there was a dreadful continuance of vicious indulgence, which showed itself in many cases, yet the effect was ordinarily much stronger on the other side, and promoted the reformation of morals. It might prove a useful speculation to compare the effects of such visitations on heathen and on Christian countries.* At Athens it produced an ments. extraordinary excess of immorality of were then prevalent in the kingdom every description. In London, though breathed not that spirit of reconciliation gross vice still in some measure pre- which might have promoted the cause vailed, yet men were ordinarily turned of Christianity. It happened indeed towards religion; the churches were most providentially, that several of the crowded by persons exhibiting every parish churches which were preserved outward appearance of piety, and the were in the hands of the most movery exclamations heard in the streets derate and ablest of the clergy of the partook of a devotional character. No- day, as Stillingfleet, Tillotson, Outthing but the pure and revealed word of ram, and Patric; but their exertions God can impress upon the mind of man were productive of less good, since a real belief in a future state; and few many of the nonconformists exhibited so who possessed a practical faith in this great a dislike to the Common Prayer, doctrine, could fail to be influenced by that they either refused to join with it, at least for the time, and frightened conformable ministers, or at least to by such a tremendous warning into some be present at the Liturgy and sacraspecies of reformation. § 728. (Sept. 1666.) The fire of Lon- § 729. The evil tendency of such don was one of the most terrible afflic- schismatic notions, joined with much of tions which ever befell a devoted city; disaffection towards the crown, which and though the lives of the inhabitants continued to increase during the whole were spared, yet their property was so of this reign, naturally produced a congenerally destroyed, that the most active trary feeling on the part of the church; exertions on the part of the benevolent and many churchmen, in their zeal to could not prevent a very considerable controvert what was wrong in these quantity of actual suffering. Many of opinions, ran into the extremes of pasthe nonconformist ministers were espe- sive obedience and non-resistance, a doccially injured, since London formed a trine which, during the latter years of great bank of charity from whence their the life of Charles II., seemed equally necessities had been supplied, and the espoused by the court and the pulpit, present distress not only disabled some the bench and the bar. (1683.) Under of those who contributed to their sup- the impulse of this increasing zeal, the port, but diverted much of the benefi- university of Oxford made a solemn decence of the kingdom into a new channel. cree, which passed in the convocation This visitation, however, did not produce there on the same day as the execution the good which might have been ex- of Lord Russell took place, and prepected from it. The violence which had sented it to the king, under this title,3 long exasperated the two parties in the church was far from being appeased; in reflecting on these calamitous events, each threw the blame on their opponents; the one reprobated the schismatic temper of the nonconformists, the other declaimed against the perjury and tyranny of the hierarchy, but neither confessed their own offences. 66 The judgment and decree of the university of Oxford, passed in their convocation on July 21, 1683, against certain pernicious books and damnable doctrines, destructive of the sacred persons of princes, their state and government, and of all human society;" in which decree they formally condemned twentyseven propositions collected out of seveAs eighty-nine churches were de- ral modern authors. This decree is stroyed, and the great mass of the popu- attributed to Dr. Jane, regius professor lation remained, the nonconformists of divinity, who was in consequence gladly exerted themselves in opening made dean of Gloucester, and who, upon such meetings for public worship as the Revolution, again sought for prefercould most easily be provided, and the ment by changing his sentiments. The obvious necessity of the case prevented declaration was placed in the college any opposition which might otherwise halls, and remained there till, in 1688, have been raised to such an attempt; it was displaced by those who had framed but unfortunately the doctrines which Baxter, iii. 18. 2 Echard, 1036. 3 Rapin, ii. 730. Kennet, iii. 419. |