became convinced that they could not have the one without the other; they have long struggled for both, and at length they appear on the eve of winning them. But these provinces have, in almost every case, national unities of their own, to which, when rid of the crude and Procrustean arrangement of 1815, they are beginning naturally to look, as supports to their new-born independence, and rallying points for their awakened patriotism. Thus Italy is gathering under one name and banner her estranged and provincialized children; the scattered and disunited states of Germany are craving earnestly for union; Poland is uniting; Switzerland is uniting; it will not, perhaps, be long before we see a Pansclavonic nation constituted in the east of Europe. Yet none of the provinces would like the idea of ceasing to manage locally their own affairs, in order to secure the safety and dignity of a greater father land. The question, then, for them to consider is, whether, by an adoption of the principle of federalism, their wants may not be supplied and their tendencies satisfied.

Let them observe the working of federalism in America. The most complete national unity is there preserved as regards foreign nations; complete freedom of trade, complete uniformity of action in all respects essential to national life; while, at the same time, the inestimable habit of self-government is created and retained, and the power of adapting Iccal institutions to local wants exercised so fully, that no American citizen has to complain that the interests of his locality suffer by the distance or neglect of the legislative centre. The German in Pennsylvania, the Frenchman in Louisiana, the Spaniard in Florida, had no need, when they came to participate in the advantages belonging to the great American Union, of sacrificing one iota of the local institutions to which they were attached. So wonderfully elastic and expansive is this principle of government, that the entire American continent might, as it appears to us, be absorbed in one vast federation, with but little inconvenience or danger resulting from its extent and diversity of characteristics. If a similar system of permitting local self-government, in subordination to a supreme legislative head, had been pursued in Lombardy and Poland, we do not believe that even the fact of the central head being an arbitrary monarch would have induced, in either case, the declaration of independence which has now ensued. The Spanish monarchs had no gubjects so loyal as the inhabitants of the Basque provinces; the fidelity of the Tyrolese to Austria is proverbial; because the former lived practically under the shadow of their own fueros, and the latter were not deprived of

their ancient grundgeselz.

The Romans understood this principle, and left to the municipia of their own enormous empire the full enjoyment of their institutions, and management of their affairs. This was the cause of the astonishing duration of their rule, and of the general contentedness of their subjects. In France, on the contrary, where the utmost point of administrative centralization had been obtained, the "people" are utterly demoralized and incapacitated for liberty by the habit of having everything done for them; the consequence now is, that the mob of Paris now rules France; the 35,000,000 individuals who inhabit the provinces follow like sheep after a leader, even though it be down a precipice.

If there be any truth in these speculations, the object of which we have rather indicated than explained, the good or bad success of the unprecedented movement now going on in Europe will depend, in great measure, upon the extent to which the different nations engaged in it may succeed in reconciling and turning to account the principles which we have been describing-that of local self-government, the true nurse of freedom, and that of national unity, the best safeguard for peace, civilization, and social progress. It is impossible to lay down, beforehand, how far and in what manner it may be possible, in each particular case, to do this; but the tendency of the attempt, however, imperfectly developed, is in the right direction; the ideal perfection of it would be a Uptopia,

"Where the drum should throb no longer, and the battle flag be furled, "In the parliament of man, the federation of the world."

GREAT BRITAIN.

From the Standard, April 11.

THE CHARTIST DEMONSTRATION.

The eleventh of April, in the year 1848, has arrived, and the United Kingdom is still a monarchy. The day, the great day, which was to revolutionize the nation, and to establish a republic on the French model, has passed over, and we find no change. The Parliament sits at its ease as heretofore; the courts of law administer justice as heretofore; and the officers of the executive are transacting the business of the Government without molestation. All other business, too, is proceeding in its ordinary course.

A better means of estimating the strength of the Chartists than has yet been afforded, was afforded by the exhibition yesterday on Kenningtou Common. The five millions and a half mustered 10.000, or to take the highest estimate, 15,000. It may be said that these were the Chartists of London and its neighbourhood; but though we have shown that this is not the fact, let it be so,-London and its neighbourhood comprise a population of two millions, giving five hundred thousand men of military age. Of these, then, but 15,000 at most-we say but 10,000-arè Chartists; 1 in 500 according to our estimate, 1 in about 330 according to the higher estimate of the number on the common.

Let us now turn to the more pleasing side of yesterday's proceedings; and let us, in the first place, acknowledge the true fountain of domestic peace, and of every other blessing UNLESS THE LORD KEEPETH THE CITY, THE WATCHMAN WAKETH BUT IN VAIN. To the bounty of divine Providence we owe it, that this morning we arise in peace to pursue our peaceful occupations. May we not add, with humility, that to the Giver of all good we owe the honour that the metropolis of England has won, in setting to the world an example of a peaceful victory over the worst spirit of rebellion, encouraged by the triumph of rebellion in almost every other capital of Europe. Yes, it is to Him, and to the teaching of His word, the glory is due.

We have told the number of Chartists; now what was the number of special constables?—Two hundred thousand; the Morning Chronicle says, we believe truly, two hundred and fifty thousand-no sickly spectres, like those whose perverse activity summoned them from their usual avocations, but the manhood of the metropolis, from the high-spirited nobility and gentry downward, through all the gradations of society, to the strong-armed artisan, and the robust drayman or coal-whipper. Yes, the special constables enrolled yesterday presented a body for spirit, strength, and number, not to be matched, out of Great Britain, on the face of the earth. How truly did we say a few weeks ago, that every Sunday saw meekly kneeling in the churches of the metropolis a body of men that could laugh to scorn the assault of any enemy, foreign or domestic, that could by possibility be brought to confront them. These men look for spirit, and strength, and safety in the right quarter, and they themselves yesterday exhibited the proof.

The military preparations of the Government were prudent, as providing against the danger of local success on the part of the enemies of order, but it is plain that they did not operate by terror, for a soldier was

not to be seen; it was the little staff of the special constable that quelled sedition, and it is right that this should be known to all our foreign enemies and domestic traitors, as proof beyond all doubt that the people of England are firmly united in defence of their constitution.

FRANCE.

By the Caledonia, just arrived, we learn that Paris is still in a state of agitation. Louis Napoleon's resignation of his seat in the National Assembly has postponed the crisis of trouble for the present, and perhaps altogether. There were to have been six candidates for the Presidency, all of whom were already in the field, viz: M. de Lamartine, Thiers, Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, Marrast, Caussidiere, and Gen. Cavaignac. The Orleans party, it is said, will support M. Thiers; and M. Berryer, the celebrated orator, has declared openly in his favor. The Legitimist party, (those in favor of the restoration of Henry V.,) at present stand divided between Thiers and Lamartine.

If the election were to take place immediately, there would be little doubt of the result; for Louis Napoleon, under the prestige of the Bonaparte name, and his present discreet course, possesses a popularity which might ensure his election.

The feeling exhibited by the French people in his favor is of the most enthusiastic character, and if present appearances are sustained by future events, it is supposed that almost every electoral college would give him their vote. Accordingly the Constitution has already been altered to meet the first difficulty that might be encountered in its working, and the president, instead of being elected by the people, in case he has not an absolute majority of votes, is to be selected by the National Assembly from the five highest returned by the Colleges.

LIBERIA.

The Liberia Herald gives the following agreeable account of Monrovia and its progress.

Our town is rapidly improving. For the last two years a spirit of industry and enterprise seems to have taken possession of our people; and though the song of "hard times" continues to be heard on every side, the improvements of the last two years in buildings of a durable and costly

character, far exceed in number and comfortableness those of any other period. It is really gratifying to us to notice the rapid strides that are now made by all classes of the people to make themselves comfortable.

We counted a few days ago thirty-four new buildings, many of them of brick and stone, and in a forward state of completion; and arrangements are in progress for the building of as many more. Our young men

are not behind the spirit of the times. Many of them are honorably exerting themselves to get into their own houses.

Miscellany.

means.

PUNCTUALITY.

There is hardly any one of the minor virtues which we Virginians ap parently hold in so little esteem as that of Punctuality. We seem to have no notion or idea of it at all. The word is hardly ever on our tongues, and never, I believe, in our minds. It might as well be out of our dictionaries. We have no use for it. We do not know nor care what it I think I could account for this fact historically. It probably grew, in the first instance, out of our sparse population, and the circumstances which grew out of that. We had, for a long time, no post-no regular communication of any kind-no town of any size-no bank-no clock, (for brother Jonathan had not yet found his way to us,)—nothing in short to mark time, or the proper hour or minute for doing any thing. Time himself, indeed, had no "nick" in his "restless wheel," in those days, for us or none that we could hear. So he came and went as he pleased; and so did we. But all those causes have now ceased, and “cessante ratione," as the lawyers say, “cessat et ipsa lex”—the reason having ceased, the law, or custom, or habit, that grew out of it, ought to cease too. And certainly it is high time that we should begin to cultivate and cherish this little virtue among the rest, and the more for our past neglect of it. It would improve us all amazingly. It would enable us to do a great deal more, and every thing better. It would brighten the whole face of things about us, like a charm. Let us try.

I ought perhaps to add, to encourage us in this effort, that we have, certainly had one Virginian who was a perfect model of this virtue, as