dictated not only by pure compassion for the victims of Russian Bolshevism, but by political foresight as well.”

To meet this situation, within and without, what was the Foreign policy of the Bolshevist Government? It was one of Communist propaganda and class hatred carried with a Red Flag and the sword into all lands; it was thought of as representing Russia though, in reality, the large and important Republics of Siberia, Finland, Ukraine and the Crimea, with other lesser ones, were slowly cut from Bolshevist control; it was a merciless effort to undermine every species of respect for every form of government and to encourage hatred of everyone except Bolshevist workers, or rather the men who lived upon the workers. At the same time there was every effort to keep in touch with the German autocrats as there was, later on, with the German Socialists while there was, also, continued denunciation of the Entente Allies as capitalistic robbers, etc. For home consumption, for the gullible Russian peasant, there was around the Brest-Litovsk period much public denunciation of Germany-largely by the men with German money in their pockets and German spies in their service. An illustration of this internal propaganda was the official statement signed by Trotzky on Feb. 12th and following the feeble effort to evade signing Germany's Peace terms:

The peace negotiations are at an end. The German capitalists, bankers and landlords, supported by the silent co-operation of the English and French bourgeoisie, submitted to our comrades at Brest-Litovsk, conditions such as could not be subscribed to by the Russian revolution. But we also cannot, will not and must not continue a war begun by Czars and capitalists in alliance with Czars and capitalists. Russia, for its part, declares the present war with Germany and Austro-Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria at an end.

The German comment was General Hoffman's declaration on Feb. 16th that the state of war between Germany and Russia would be resumed on the 18th. The Bolsheviki used some vivid language—and then concluded peace on the terms set before them with about one-quarter of the Russian Empire and one-third of its population handed over to German control or influence. The people of the Ukraine and Finland preferred German control for a time to that of the Bolsheviki, and had to suffer every form of outrage and murder; Siberia would have neither of these forces, and Siberia included the Tobolsk, Tomsk, Yenessei and Irkutsk regions with an area of 3,894,000 square miles; other parts of Asiatic Russia, it may be added, included the Steppe region of 714,000 square miles while the Russian Far East included Amur, Kamchatka, etc., of 906,000 square miles-an enormous empire of territory and strange barbaric peoples whom no Bolsheviki organization could touch and whom only an autocratic government could control or rule. In June the Soviet Government recognized the German control of Russian Poland in a document which was treason to every principle of self-determination and liberty and which included the following summarized clauses: (1) The Polish policy shall be conducted by Germany; (2) the Russian Govern

ment pledges itself not to interfere with the organization of Poland; (3) the Russian Government may keep in touch with democratic and revolutionary clubs in Poland through agitators known to the German Information Bureau; (4) Russia pledges itself to recognize the new state of things to be created by Germany and Austria in Poland and to defend it against Russia's former Allies.

While Germany was thus playing with the Bolsheviki in Central Russia she was playing also with the Cadets or constitutional Democrats in the Ukraine under Miliukoff and General Mannerheim and in the Crimea. But the main concern of the Bolsheviki was the destruction of all government, excepting their own kind, and they did not care about Germany's policy further than to get its money and retain freedom of propaganda. Hence the Red Guard atrocities in Finland, the Bolsheviki crimes at Riga and Helsingfors and Odessa and in parts of Siberia; hence the plots throughout Germany and Austria after the overthrow of their Governments; hence the imprisonment or flight of Entente and United States Consuls or representatives and the murder of the German Ambassador, Count Von Mirbach, and the British Attaché Captain Cromie, D.S.O. The opposing elements hoped much from Allied intervention but did not get a great deal; some of them coquetted with the Germans in preference to submitting to anarchic conditions; the Cadets appealed in June to the British Allies and declared the Bolsheviki to be "in no way representative of the Russian democracy, and their rule to be an oligarchy, demagoguery and despotism, which relies only on physical force and daily becomes more and more odious to the popular masses.

Internal Conditions under the Bolsheviki. The repudiation of the Russian National Debt-except the obligations to Germany, which were guaranteed at Brest-Litovsk-evoked in February keen protests from representatives of the Allied Powers and Neutral nations. The total of Foreign investments in State securities and Russian enterprises was placed at $4,000,000,000 of which 3,000 millions were French with, also, $4,200,000,000 of War advances, of which 3,000 millions were English. In this latter connection the Russian rouble depreciated from 51 cents during the war to 14 cents in 1918. As to "money" the Government issued it as fast as printing presses could rush it off; D. R. Francis, U.S. Ambassador to Russia before the Senate at Washington* estimated the total at 50,000,000 roubles or $25,000,000 a day prior to his leaving Petrograd; villages, towns and districts taxed their people as they chose so that direct central taxation was impossible; during the year 1918, the National expenditures of the Council of Peoples' Commissaries was 46,000 million roubles and the revenue was 14,000 millions (of which 10,000 was impossible of collection), the nominal deficit was 32,000 millions or about $16,000,000,000-really it was much greater.

*Note.-Mch. 8, 1919.

Under such conditions industries naturally died-from lack of capital, from excessive wages coupled with little or no work, from lack of fuel or raw material, from the stealing of tools and parts of machinery for sale by the workmen. Everything was nationalized and in 500 factories and mills at the end of 1918, 1,000 million roubles were advanced by the Government to carry on business; banks were either entirely looted or else the President and Directors dismissed and workmen put in charge. Conditions in Russia were indescribable as to Petrograd and Moscow; varying elsewhere as local production of food might be large or small; depending chiefly upon the power to hold or take and upon the class to which one belonged. As to prices, when such things could be obtained at all, they ran for instance from $500 for a suit of clothes, $8.00 a pound for tea, $4.00 each for apples, $2.50 a dish for soup, etc.; in Petrograd during July bare necessaries of life were $25.00 a day. Contagious diseases were rife owing to the absence of all sanitation, the elimination of all regulations as to cleanliness, the sparcity of medical men-who were of the bourgeoisie and therefore "suspect"; typhus and cholera raged unceasingly because of these conditions, the eating of rotten fish or the lack of food altogether, while in such hospitals as remained, the menial workers ruled the physicians and nurses. Burials cost many hundreds of dollars so that victims were carted to the cemeteries of Petrograd or Moscow wrapped in old newspapers and left unburied-until the one-time rich men of the city were com. mandeered to the terrible task on pain of death.

In another connection the London Times correspondent from Petrograd (Aug. 14th) wrote that: "During the past two weeks thousands some say 12,000-retired or dismissed officers have been arrested and removed in barges to Kronstadt, where they are compelled to load coal on to war vessels. They are fed on the very lowest minimum of food, and subjected to other cruelties." The same journal (Oct. 4th) quoted a statement that in the whole French Revolution not as many aristocrats were slaughtered as there were Bourgeoisie during the previous month in Russia. There were only a few Bolshevist newspapers allowed and they printed merely what the Soviet Government gave them or permitted; what were termed "intellectuals"-writers, professors, professional men (except physicians) clergy, officers, higher class business men, brokers, financiers, etc.-could only live by doing the most menial work, and, of course, had everything taken from them; women suffered horribly unless they were the wives of approved Bolsheviki workmen and then they revelled in rich furniture and rare laces and luxuries with which they filled their huts and outhouses; morally the situation was often indescribable with women of the better classes wearing the dirtiest rags-even if they had any better clothes left-as a means of personal protection while there were varied attempts at crazy edicts and regulations, general or local, affecting marriage. There was no doubt as to this fact despite denials. The following, for instance, enacted by

the Bolsheviki Soviet of Vladimir, published in a local organ called Investia and re-published by the New Europe, a high-class periodical, on Oct. 31, 1918, illustrates the situation:

A girl having reached her 18th year is to be announced as the property of the State. Any girl having reached her 18th year, and not having married is obliged, subject to the most severe penalty, to register at the Bureau of Free Love in the Commissariat of Surveillance. Men between the ages of 19 and 50 have the right to choose from amongst the registered women, even without the consent of the latter, in the interests of the State. Children who are the issue of these unions are to become the property of the State.

The city of Havolinsk and vicinity was another Bolshevist centre of this type.* Maxim Gorky, a one-time Nihilist, declared in his Petrograd Novaya Zhizn (which did not last long) that soldiers on returning from the Crimea after becoming Socialists had brought a large number of female slaves with them and that at Theodosia a regular slave market was held, the supply being so large that prices soon fell from 100 or 150 roubles to 25 or 20 roubles per slave! These soldiers determined to aid in the 'destruction of the Bourgeoisie. At first they massacred the inhabitants of the two most bourgeois streets in Sebastopol; then they turned upon Simferopol and afterwards attacked Eupatoria. As to religion the Bolsheviki would have none of it. They plundered and wrecked the world-famed, splendid, Kremlin of Moscow which for centuries had been the centre of Russian religious life and so, also, the exquisite Uspenski Cathedral; the German Jews, who so largely led the Bolsheviki, tried to make their Communistic socialism a form of religion and, in truth, made some natural appeal to the mysticism of the Russian nature; churches and shrines in various places were looted and desecrated in every possible way even while the masses of the people were pouring into the sacred buildings as a whole and showing a greatly revived faith. The Church, itself, did not reveal the power or wield the influence which it should have done, though a gradual process of recovery showed itself in 1918.

The Cam- Details of the gigantic conflicts of 1918 can hardly paigns of be given here. They were wide in the extent of front 1918; British and covered, vast in the distances between struggles of Allied East and West and in the number of Submarine Operations. fights upon the oceans of the world, desperate in character and vital in consequence to the future of all nations and races. In and up to the middle of the year the Germans in France and Belgium had a majority in men, an immense mass of cannon and artillery of every kind, a new gun which was one of the sensations of the War and which bombarded Paris with ease from a distance of 40 miles, a united command unhampered by national divergencies and deficiencies, with Von Hindenburg and Ludendorff

*Note.-General Poole reported to the British War Office (Jan. 11, 1919) that in various towns of Central Russia these conditions were enforced and respectable women flogged into submission.

in successive and supreme place under the Kaiser, a confidence born of deception amongst the soldiers and the lower ranks of the population, an under-estimate of Allied strength amongst the leaders and a grim determination to win at all costs amongst those in the higher seats of power.

On the side of the British Allies there was a popular and soldierly consciousness of inferior strength but a super-confidence in final success; amongst the leaders a realization for a time that the situation was at best dangerous and at worst might involve the sacrifice of either Paris or the Coast or, in some desperate cast of fate, the loss of both; a general feeling that conditions not clearly understood, but with results very obvious, might make United States' intervention too late to prove an efficient balance to the Russian collapse. Despite these ups and downs of thought and more serious fact there was, however, a fundamental force in the strangle-hold of the British Navy, a vigorous and continuous pouring in to France of supplies and armament and men from Britain, a steady accession of American armies of untrained men who were brigaded with British, Canadian and French troops or held in training reserve.

As far as possible the German smash-forward of March 21st was prepared for but the preparations were insufficient to meet that tremendous onslaught of men and metal. According to F. H. Simonds, the N. Y. Tribune correspondent (Aug. 20, 1918) there were 220 German Divisions against 188-of whom 180 were French and British; as to guns a concentration from the Russian and Italian fronts-released from Austrian armies in the former case and captured from Italians in the latter-made the greatest combination of Artillery ever known. Mr. Simonds after reference to the element of surprise involved declared that in the ensuing March, April and May advances the Germans won victories unprecedented in a war of positions. In all of the battles there was a monotonous record of successes achieved by the massing of superior numbers at a decisive point. In the 2nd Battle of the Somme, in March, the Germans used 110 Divisions against 81 by the Allies, and in the first thrust they had 40 against 15. At the Lys, in the Flanders fighting of April, 40 German Divisions were used against 38, but the Allies could only bring up this approximately equal number after a long delay and an initial disaster. At the Aisne, in May, 20 German Divisions overwhelmed 7 French and British.

During this time, however, the Germans were suffering heavy casualties; their 2,500,000 of more or less fresh men, of armies which had been re-organized, strengthened, and rested, were being steadily depleted, with reserves growing steadily weaker; they were advancing, taking places and centres of historic or strategic importance and winning victories upon the surface while getting weaker and weaker below the surface. Meantime Great Britain had recalled Divisions from Palestine and Salonika and Italy, had drained garrisons everywhere and got more men from Canada