When I realize the creative power of my God I would rather go back to the story of the Garden of Eden than to believe that my progenitor was an ape. I would very much rather believe that I was fashioned by the hand of my God in the image of the Divine. Why, we know not. When, how, all that I am willing to leave. There are mysteries that even the moralist cannot solve. I loathe the man who says he will not believe anything he cannot understand. We cannot disbelieve that the grass grows, but the moralist cannot understand how or why it does so. It is a great mystery to him and therefore he refuses to believe in the existence of his Maker because he does not understand why we are put into the world, but may it not be just as it is with the father and the child? The father I wishes his child to be educated. If he is without education and without the refining process which that education entails, he will not be able to take up his sphere in life and he will fail. So, the father banishes him from home and he is put under a discipline that may seem very severe, but bye and bye the education is completed and the father says "Come home, my child, and receive thine inheritance." And so, I am looking forward to the day when, this brief life ended, my Heavenly Father will say to me "It is enough, my child; come up higher."

EDWARD SWAYNE said: In listening to Mr. Mangasarian I have been reminded of the words of two very eminent men in two widely different departments as to the deep value of a belief in God and the after life. Charles Darwin, who is as far removed from the theologian perhaps as any man could be, and who traces the origin of man to a hairy animal, spoke particularly of the "ennobling belief in God and in immortality." And one of the greatest minds of this country, when asked what was the deepest thought he ever knew, answered, "The sense of my responsibility to my Creator."

Music by MISSES TURNER and LAW and MR. LAW.

THE PRESIDIng Clerk :—There are no more sacred memories connected with this movement and this platform than those

which cluster around the name of William Lloyd Garrison. We welcome the son to-day, not only, nor chiefly, for the father's sake, but because he comes in the father's spirit to speak a word which he believes needs to be spoken now and here. I have the pleasure of presenting to you William Lloyd Garrison, Jr., of Boston.

FREE TRADE.

MR. GARRISON said:-While I have chosen a topic seeming. ly of political import for my address, it is not with the contention of parties that I shall concern myself. In this place and presence dear to me through their association with the great and noble spirits who have here spoken words of counsel and inspiration, I can utter no discordant note. Consecrated to humanity, no narrowing sentiments are fitting for your platform. The tender memory of him whose name I bear, if nothing else, would forbid my lips to touch a theme less wide than the human race. I well remember the lament of Theodore Parker that the overmastering question of Slavery prevented consideration of the important social questions needing solution. The right of a man to own himself, which was denied by a majority of the nation, was, of necessity, paramount to every other issue. At its settlement how the waiting causes plead for a hearing! Temperance, Equal Suffrage, Social Purity, Theological Freedom, Peace, the problems of Poverty and Education, came at once to the front. The best thought of the country is to-day busy with these fermenting questions which must pass the stage of public discussion before law can consummate and register the revolution demanded.

If I were to address you upon the science of astronomy or geology, you would no doubt think it strange if my remarks were prefaced by an explanation that I should speak only from the standpoint of an American. The idea that the sublime movement of the planets, or the history of mankind written in the rocks and sands of continents, must be looked at with American eyes, would savor of the ridiculous. Science knows no petty limitations of land, but leaving the globe itself, penetrates to realms where imagination tires in its following. And

no telescope, though it bring to the observer new worlds beyond the power of figures to convey the slightest conception to the mind, has ever yet been able to report one foot of space disconnected from the universal laws.

The subject we are to consider cannot be isolated. The laws whereby exchanges of men with each other are regulated, were in operation before Columbus sighted San Salvador from his vessel's prow. Nor, were they framed with reference to forms of government or national possessions. Generations of men come and go, but a violation of immutable law never fails to bring its punishment. We can as easily shut ourselves qut from the action of gravitation or the changes of the atmosphere by Acts of Congress, as to be independent of the world-wide laws of trade. So, instead of as an American, I speak as one of that human race to which I am linked by birth and sympathy and whose common origin and destiny I share. I shall, therefore, enter into no conspiracy with neighbors or fellow citizens to impoverish the foreign worker whose right to the free exchange of his productions is as sacred as my own.

"For mankind is one in spirit, and an instinct bears along
Round the earth's electric circle the swift flash of right

or wrong;

Whether conscious or unconscious, yet humanity's vast frame
Through its ocean sundered fibers feels the gush of joy or

shame;

In the gain or loss of one race, all the rest have equal

claim."

Protective tariffs have their root in human strife and are made possible by wars. Under the impoverishment resulting from national conflicts or civil strife, the finances of a nation are in straits. War is costly and money is the sinews of war, and taxation is the way to raise it. A tax in itself is not considered a blessing. It often provokes resistance when it presents itself uncloaked. So, it has been the policy of rulers to obtain their revenue with the least possible friction and the taxation of imports is the most feasible. For this there are two reasons. One is that although more onerous when levied indirectly, the tax is invisible to the tax payer. Another is

that the unthinking taxpayer is fully pursuaded that it is the foreigner who is carrying the burden; and rulers who need money are very glad to have their people take that view of the A protective tariff, or a tax upon the products which come in competition with native products, came originally as a bounty to the mercantile or manufacturing classes who were granted a monoply for a service rendered. It is essential for sovereigns, or even for republican governments, to secure the aid of the business interests, in whose hands the capital of the country is lodged. It is to them that kings apply humbly for loans. "Tis said that customs courtesy to great kings," and often great kings have to courtesy to great bankers. Roths-. child ranks emperors in time of war. Capital is not philan thropic, and when assistance is given it is for reward. It is the easiest way to remunerate the leading merchants and manufacturers by a protective tariff, allowing them to advance the prices of their goods, thereby taxing the buyers for their own benefit. At such a time each trade exacts all the bounty it can and by what means it can, and here we have the genesis of the protective tariff that we worship. It is a license to a few to pray upon the many, under the form of law. Its cradle is war and selfish aggrandizement. Follow it wherever you will its hideous birthmark disfigures its forehead.

It is singular that such a monarchical and medieval system should be so entrenched in a republican form of government. It is alien to a true Democracy, inasmuch as it is partial and feudalistic. It is not a power conveyed by the Constitution. "The Congress shall have power," says Section 8, "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." There is not a word justifying taxes to protect American industries, but there is an injunction that all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States. And it is this saving clause that has preserved inviolate the blessings of free trade in our

great country, and prevented the curse of custom houses along the State lines.

In a case before the Supreme Court, similar in principle to the protective tariff, Mr. Justice Miller declared that "To lay with one hand the power of the Government on the property of the citizen, and with the other to bestow it upon favored individuals to aid private enterprises and build up private fortunes, is none the less robbery because it is done under the forms of law and is called Taxation." Albert Gallatin declared that "the system is in itself an infraction of an essential part of the liberty of the citizen."

"The spirit of protection," says Buckle, "is so dangerous and so plausible, that it forms the most serious obstacle with which advancing civilization has to contend. It is this which causes governments to interfere with the natural relation between producers and consumers, and to force into existence manufactures which otherwise would never arise, and which for that very reason, are not requird; to disturb the ordinary course of industry, and under pretense of protecting their native laborers, to diminish the produce of labor by diverting it from those profitable channels into which its own instincts always compel it to flow." If protection is justly open to such characterisation how is it that the majority are wedded to the system? Mr. Savage, our radical Unitarian Boston minister has an orthodox aunt who is troubled by her nephew's theology. "How is it, Minot," she asked him, "that if these things are as you say, they are not generally believed?" And Mr. Savage preached a sermon to explain why. I shall attempt a similar explanation. The reason is that the system of protection is defended and buttressed by active self-interest, by ignorance and unreason, and by plausible sophistries which are accepted without examination. No system of oppression could hold its place for a day if it were not for the consummate art of making the worse appear the better reason. Slavery had the most benevolent and the most patriotic excuses. The best intentioned men and women were deceived by their seeming soundness.