language, that watchful Executive had too much sagacity not to perceive, that they laid the foundation for a more formidable amount of resistance, than had yet been apprehended. But the sentence of dissolution had no other effect, than to give a popular impulse to the proceedings that led to it; and to excite to greater promptitude and zeal, those who were designated in the resolutions, for putting the machine into operation. The very next day, the Cominittee of Correspondence assembled, organized, and proceeded to business. They adopted a Circular letter, prepared by Mr. Jefferson, to the Speakers of the other Colonies, enclosing to each a copy of the resolutions; and left it in charge with their Chairman, Peyton Randolph, who was also Speaker of the House, to transmit them by expresses. The chief mover, thus had the happiness to see his favorite measure in an energetic course of execution.

Although the result of the Raleigh consultation had a more decisive bearing upon the subsequent movements of the country, than any recommendation that had preceded it, yet we find no mention of the occurrence in any of the numerous books of our revolution. But the history of the American Revolution has not been written, so said John Adams, in 1815; Mr. Jefferson echoes back the sentiment of his correspondent, and adds, it never can be written. On the subject, says he, of the history of the American Revolution, you ask, who shall write it? Who can write it? And who will ever be able to write it? Nobody; except merely its external facts; all its councils, designs, and discussions were conducted in secret, and no traces of them were preserved. These, which are the life and soul of history, must forever be unknown.' Mr. Madison is the only person now, who can be looked to with any confidence, to supply the revelation of these 'councils and designs,' and the public expectation is strongly directed to that quarter; but it is not probable that even he possesses the requisite materials for such an undertaking.

As an example of the imperfection of our revolutionary chronicles, it should be here noted, that the origination of these Committees of Correspondence between the Colonies, was for a long time claimed in behalf of Massachusetts. Gordon was the first historian who committed the oversight;* Marshallt copied Gordon, with

Vol. 1. page 202.

t Life of Washington, Vol. 2. p. 139..

some improvements upon the text; succeeding historians, copying them, repeated the error, until it became established. But the matter was set to rights in a letter from Mr. Jefferson to Samuel A. Wells, of Boston, dated May 12th, 1819; in which the historical distinction is lucidly traced between the provincial Committees of Correspondence, which originated in Massachusetts, in 1772, and the national Committees, which originated in Virginia, in 1773; the former, were expressly for a correspondence among the several towns of that province only; the latter, for a correspondence among the several Colonies. Mr. Wells, upon an investigation of the subject, concurs in the same conclusion, in a letter to his informant ; and further shows, that Massachusetts did not adopt the measure, but on the receipt of the proposition from Virginia, which was at their next session. Mr. Jefferson, however, is slightly mistaken in ascribing the error, in the first instance, to Marshall, who is partially supported by the previous authority; though he does not expressly cite him upon the point.

The recommendation of the Virginia Legislature was responded to with alacrity by the sister Colonies, and parallel Committees of Correspondence were appointed by them all, as their Assemblies successively convened. By this means, a channel of direct and vigorous inter-communication was established between the various Provinces; which, by the reciprocal interchange of opinions and alarms, and the mutual fusion of interests and affections, maintained a steady equalization of purpose and action throughout the Colonies, and "consolidated the phalanx which breasted the power of Britain." The operations of this great political institution were incalculably beneficial to the American cause. Its precise influence upon the course and management of the Revolution has never been critically and historically ascertained. Its mighty cabinet has never been broken open, and the contents exposed to the world; yet it is supposed, that the publication of its voluminous correspondence would exhibit some of the most vehement productions of Mr. Jefferson's pen, as he sustained an active agency in its functions; and it is generally believed, that the revelation of its transactions and counsels, would develope to the world the secret springs and causes of many movements, the knowledge of which would reflect accumulated glory on the venerated chiefs of that bold era.

As was predicted by Mr. Jefferson, and his confederates in the scheme, the establishment of Corresponding Committees resulted in the convocation of a General Congress; which event followed, indeed, the ensuing year. The intermediate steps to that important result, require a summary notice, in order to display the connection of the prophecy with the fulfilment.

The resistance to the revenue impositions had been conducted with such inflexibility, and such general concert, as to have checked the regular current of importation into the Colonies, and occasioned a prodigious surcharge of the dutied commodities in England. Immense quantities of tea, in particular, had accumulated in the warehouses of the East India company-a monopoly, which was much caressed by the Government, and had an extensive influence over it. This Company having obtained permission to transport their tea, free of the usual export duty, from Great Britain to America, on condition, that upon its introduction there, the duty of three pence per pound should be paid, immediately dispatched enormous shipments to Boston, and other American ports. On the arrival of the tea in Boston, the patriots were thrown into a phrenzy of mingled indignation and alarm. They saw, and felt, that the crisis now approached, which was to decide the great question, whether they would submit to taxation without representation, or brave the consequences of some decisive movement, of a physical nature, adequate to relieve them from the emergency. For, if the tea was permitted to be landed, it would be sold, the duties paid, and all that they had gained, be lost. They resolved, 'therefore, that it should not be landed; and the resolution was no sooner formed, than executed, by the destruction of the entire cargo.

The intelligence of this spirited coup de main in vindication of popular rights, so exasperated the British ministry, that, in their thirst for vengeance, they resorted to a measure which fixed the irrevocable sentence of dismemberment upon the British empire. This was the famous Boston Port Bill, by which the harbor of that great commercial emporium was closed against the importation of any goods, wares or merchandise whatsoever, from and after the first day of June, 1774.

Upon the arrival in Boston of the rumor of the impending calamity, a meeting of the inhabitants was called; the act was denounced as cruel and flagitious; they made their appeal to God

and the world. Numerous copies of the act were printed and dispersed over the Colonies; and to make a deeper impression on the multitude, the copies were printed on mourning paper, bordered with black lines; and they were cried through the country as the barbarous, cruel, sanguinary and inhuman murder.**

cause.

The Legislature of Virginia was in session when the news of this tyrannical interdict was received, to wit, in May, 1774. Mr. Jefferson was still a member, and his sympathies for the bleeding partizans of liberty at the North, now rose to a point unequalled at any previous stage of their sufferings. Quickly perceiving the advantages to be derived from the popular effervescence, which he foresaw it would create, he as quickly devised the means for wielding those advantages to effect, and for the benefit of the common The history of the machinery, which his creative genius now put in motion, is curious and interesting. Fearful to trust the lead, at this propitious moment, to the tardy pace of the old members, he again rallied the little council of chiefs, with whom he had confederated on the former occasion, and concerted a private meeting, the same evening, at the Council Chamber of the Library, 'to consult on the proper measures to be taken.' Punctual at the appointed hour, those kindred spirits met; and mutually ripe in sentiment, they unanimously agreed, that they must boldly take an unequivocal stand in the line with Massachusetts.' They were also impressed with the necessity of arousing the people from the apathy into which they had fallen, as to passing events; and for this purpose, Mr. Jefferson, with a keensighted perception of human nature, that would have honored the wisdom of age, proposed the appointment of a day of general fasting and prayer throughout the Colony," as most likely to call up and alarm their attention." The proposition met an enthusiastic acceptance with his colleagues ; and he was requested to prepare the necessary instrument, to be presented to the House. The reader will be curious to learn how Mr. Jefferson proceeded to mature, and marshal in proper form, the appropriate technics of so grave and serious a performance. "No example," says he, "of such a solemnity had existed since the days of our distress in the war of '55, since which a new generation had grown up. With the help, therefore, of Rush

* Botta, Vol. 1. page 120.

worth, whom we rummaged over for the revolutionary precedents and forms of the Puritans of that day, preserved by him, we cooked up a resolution, somewhat modernizing their phrases, for appointing the first day of June, on which the Port Bill was to commence, for a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer, to implore Heaven to , avert from us the evils of civil war, to inspire us with firmness in support of our rights, and to turn the hearts of the King and Parliament to moderation and justice." The draft was approved by the consulting members; but before they separated, another impor tant figure was necessary to be arranged; and the manner in which it was done, showed the wisdom and sagacity which presided over the deliberations of that heroic conclave. "To give greater emphasis to our proposition," continues Mr. Jefferson, "we agreed to wait, the next morning, on Mr. Nicholas, whose grave and religious character was more in unison with the tone of our resolution, and to solicit him to move it." They accordingly went to Mr. Nicholas the next morning. He moved it the same day, May 24th; and to their equal astonishment and gratification, it passed without opposition.

The instrument was drawn up very much after the pattern of the New England proclamations of the present day, with great solemnity of air and phraseology, directing the members, “preceded by the Speaker and mace," to assemble on the appointed day, "devoutly to implore the Divine interposition for averting the heavy calamity which threatens destruction to our civil rights, and the evils of civil war; to give us one heart and one mind, firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury to American rights; and that the minds of His Majesty and Parliament may be inspired from above with wisdom, moderation, and justice, to remove from the loyal people of America, all cause of alarm from a continued pursuit of measures pregnant with their ruin."

The solemn example of Virginia was the signal for a general movement among the Colonies. The same religious observance was ordered to be kept, on the same day, in all the principal towns; and the first day of June was a day of general mourning throughout the continent. Business was suspended; the bells all sounded a funeral knell; the pulpits reverberated with incendiary discourses; and every engine of popular terror was put in requisition. In Virginia, the heavens were shrouded in gloom; the ministers of the