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their Creator with certain inalienable rights." It was the primary development of the workings of a mind which comprehended, within the mantle of its benignity, every color and condition of human existence; and which saw, beyond the "rivers of blood" and "years of desolation" which intervened, that enchanting vision, which flashed upon his earliest musings, and kindled his expiring energies, the vision of emancipated man throughout the world. But a few years after his legislative debut in the cause of slavery, we find him dilating with enthusiasm upon the same subject, in flying "Notes" • to M. de Marbois, of the French legation, and recording that vehement and appalling admonition which recent events have almost ripened into prophecy:

"Can the liberties of a nation be thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people, that these liberties are of the gift of God? That they are not to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed, I tremble for my country, when I reflect that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep forever: that considering numbers, nature and natural means only, a revolution in the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation is among possible events: that it may become probable by supernatural interference! The Almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest."

But the business of ordinary legislation was drawing to a close in Virginia. The fatal collision between Great-Britain and her Colonies, had waxed to a crisis, which suspended the regular action of government, and summoned the attention of its functionaries to more imperious concerns. Patrick Henry, who was seven years older than Mr. Jefferson, and three or four ahead of him in public life, had hitherto been the master-spirit of the Revolution at the South, and, by his superior boldness, had sustained its principal brunt. The time had now arrived, when he was to divide the burthen and the glory of the distinction, with one who was his junior only in years and eloquence, his equal in moral courage, but in every thing else his superior, at an immeasurable distance. The same session of the Legislature that first saw Mr. Jefferson a member, saw him first also in the little council of the brave. The same session also, (1769) witnessed the adoption of a new mode of resistance to British tyranny, which he acted a conspicuous part in promoting; to wit, the system of non-intercourse, by which the Colonies gradually dissolved all commercial connection with the mother country.

The opponents of the embargo, who have slept a good sound sleep, will now begin to bristle up, and say they have discovered, at last, the very germ of that diabolical principle. But here a difficulty presents itself, for the origin of the non-intercourse proceeding belongs to Massachusetts, the focus of all disinclination to embargoes! The honor of it is hers; she having been pressed, from the peculiar circumstances of her local position, to take the precedence of the other Colonies in this important step. Is it possible, that the bruited restrictive system, which was so humiliating in a Jefferson and a Madison, and so heritical in 1808-9, should owe its birth place to the 'cradle of sound principles,' or trace its pedigree upon the escutcheons of '76? It is no less remarkable than true. And the measure, equally honorable on both occasions, was attended with correspondent and glorious results to our common country. Experience has proved, that the most effectual mode of warfare with a nation, which excludes the principle of reciprocity from her code, and grasps at monopolizing the commerce of the world, is to withdraw peaceably from her intercourse, and, by a vigorous system of retaliation, to debar her from ours. This indeed has never failed to bring matters to a favorable issue, either by compelling her to retire upon the high ground of the Law of Nations, or by exasperating her, as in two memorable instances, to such a pitch of madness, as is decreed to be the certain precursor of self-destruction.

But in whatever light the principle may have been viewed in later times, its application was eminently efficacious in producing the final appeal, in 1775. It touched, at the most sensitive and irascible point, the great feeling which neutralizes every other in a commercial State, to wit, that of interest. Happily, Mr. Jefferson became a member of the Legislature, soon after the adoption of the system in Massachusetts; he foresaw its operation, if acted upon generally and in concert; and immediately conceived the design of bringing Virginia up to a line with her northern sister. A concise view of the state of affairs at this period is important.

The bold and unequivocal attitude into which Virginia had thrown herself by the opposition, which she headed in '65, against the Stamp Act, was imitated with infectious rapidity by all the other Colonies; which raised the general tone of resentment to such a height, as made Great Britain herself quail before the tempest she had excited. The Stamp Act was repealed; but its re

peal was soon followed by a series of parliamentary and executive acts, equally unconstitutional and oppressive. Among these, were the Declaratory Act of a right in the British Parliament, to tax the Colonies in all cases whatsoever; the quartering of large bodies of British soldiery in the principal towns of the Colonies, at the expense and incessant annoyance of the inhabitants; the dissolution. in rapid succession, of the Colonial Assemblies, and the total suspension of the legislative power in New York; the imposition of duties on all teas, glass, paper, and other articles of the most necessary use, imported into the Colonies, and the appointment of Commissioners, armed with unlimited powers, to be stationed in the several ports for the purpose of exacting the arbitrary customs. These despotic measures, with others of a similar character, produced immediate recourse to retaliation, in the commercial Provinces. The people of Massachusetts, upon whom they fell with their first and heaviest pressure, were the foremost also in resisting their operation. They entered into an association, by which they agreed and solemnly bound themselves, not to import from Great Britain any of the articles taxed, or to use them. They also addressed a circular letter to their sister Colonies, inviting their concurrence and co-operation, in all lawful and constitutional means, for procuring relief from their oppressions. Petitions, memorials, and remon strances were accordingly addressed to the King and Parliament, by the Legislatures of the different Colonies, entreating a rescission of the obnoxious measures, and blending with their entreaties, professions of unwavering loyalty. To these no answer was condescended. But the non-intercourse proceedings in Massachusetts were of a character too ruinous to the new revenue bill, not to excite attention. They immediately called forth a set of joint resolutions, and an address, from the Lords and Commons. These resolutions con demned, in the severest terms, all the measures adopted by the Colonies. They re-asserted the right of taxation, and of quartering their troops upon the Colonies. They even went so far as to direct, that the King might employ force of arms, sufficient to quell the disobedient; and declared that he had the right to cause the promoters of disorders to be arrested and transported to England for trial.

These resolutions of the Lords and Commons arrived in America, in May, 1769. The House of Burgesses of Virginia was then in

fession, and Mr. Jefferson, as we have seen, was for the first time a member. The doctrines avowed in these menacing papers, although they were directed principally against the people of Massachusetts, were too extraordinary to be overlooked in any assembly which contained a Jefferson. They were no sooner made known to the House, than he proposed the adoption of counter resolutions, and advocated warmly, the propriety of making common cause with Massachusetts, at the hazard of every sacrifice. Counter resolutions, and an address to the King, were accordingly agreed to, with little opposition; and the pregnant determination was then and there formed, of considering the cause of any one Colony as a common one. The seed of the American Union was here first sown. Who cannot perceive, in that spirit of godlike magnanimity, which forgot self, kindred, friends, every thing, in commisseration of the sufferings of a distant Colony, the elements of that powerful fraternal principle, which carried these Colonies in solid phalanx, side to side, and step for step, through the angry billows of the Revolution; and which, through so many years of high prosperity, has overawed every rampant ebullition, and, by a ceaceless attraction, held upon its point every discordancy of interest and opinion. The spark which was elicited on this occasion, was communicated from heart to heart, and from Colony to Colony, until the principle of cohesion became paramount and universal, dissolving every incongruous tie, and melting into one mass, having a common interest and a common danger, the whole body of the people. By the resolutions which they passed, the Legislature re-asserted the exclusive right of the Colonies to tax themselves in all cases whatsoever; denounced the recent acts of Parliament, as flagrant violations of the British Constitution; and remonstrated, sternly, against the assumed right to transport the freeborn citizens of America to Eng land, to be tried by their inveterate enemies. The tone of these res olutions was so strong, as to excite, for the first time, the displeasure of the Governor, the amiable Lord Bottetourt, whose facility of disposition was proverbial. The House had scarcely adopted, and ordered them to be entered upon their journals, when they were suminoned to his presence, to receive the sentence of dissolution. "Mr. Speaker," said he, "and gentlemen of the House of Representatives, I have heard of your resolves, and augur ill of their

effects; you have made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are accordingly dissolved."

But the interference of the Executive had no other effect, than to encourage the holy feeling it attempted to repress. The next day, led on by the young spirits, Jefferson, Henry, and the two Lees, the 1 great body of the members retired to a room, called the Apollo, in the Raleigh tavern, the principal hotel in Williamsburg. They there formed themselves into a voluntary Convention, drew up Articles of Association against the use of any merchandise imported from Great Britain, signed, and recommended them to the people. They repaired to their several counties, circulated the Articles of the League among their constituents, and, to the astonishment of all, so popular was the measure, that at the call of another Legislature, themselves were re-elected without a single exception.

The impetus thus given to the heroic example of Massachusetts, by a remote Province, carried it home to the breast of every Colony. The non-importation agreement became general. All the luxuries, and many of the comforts of life, were sacrificed, at once, on the altar of colonial liberty. The history of that period presents a sublime spectacle of self-devotement, and rigorous patriotism. Associations were formed at every point, and a systematic war of interdiction and non-consumption, was directed against British mer chandise. All ranks, all ages, and both sexes joined, with holy emulation, in nullifying the unconstitutional tariff. The ladies, who are never permitted to be greatest but on the greatest occasions, established a peculiar claim to pre-eminence, on this. They relinquished, without a struggle, all the elegancies, the embellishments, and even the comforts to which they had been accustomed; and experienced a refined pleasure in preferring, for their attire, the simple fabric of their own free hands, to the most gorgeous habiliments of tyranny. In Virginia, the anti-revenue movement was reduced to a system, and pursued with unparalleled rigor. A committee of vigilance was established in every county, whose duty it was to promote subscriptions to the covenant, and to guard the execution of the Articles. The powers of these committees, being undefined, were almost unlimited. They examined the books of the merchant, and pushed their inquisitorial tribunal into the sanctity of the fireside, punishing every breach, by fine and public advertisement of the offender, and rewarding every observance by an appropriate

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