their situations had given occasion, it was natural, I say, for these to seize with fondness any proposition which promised to bring them together again, at certain and regular periods. And this, I take for granted, was the origin and object of this institution: and I have no suspicion that they foresaw, much less intended, those mischiefs which exist perhaps in the forebodings of politicians only. I doubt, however, whether in its execution, it would be found to answer the wishes of those who framed it, and to foster those friendships it was intended to preserve. The members would be brought together at their annual assemblies no longer to encounter a common enemy, but to encounter one another in debate and sentiment. For something, I suppose, is to be done at these meetings, and, however unimportant, it will suffice to produce difference of opinion, contradiction, and irritation. The way to make friends quarrel is to put them in disputation under the public eye. An experience of near twenty years has taught me, that few friendships stand this test. and that public assemblies where every one is free to act and speak, are the most powerful looseners of the bands of private friendship. I think, therefore, that this institution would fail in its principal ob ject, the perpetuation of the personal friendships contracted through the war.

"The objections of those who are opposed to the institution shall be briefly sketched. You will readily fill them up. They urge that it is against the Confederation-against the letter of some of our Constitutions against the spirit of all of them ;-that the foundation on which all these are built, is the natural equality of man, the denial of every pre-eminence but that annexed to legal office, and, particularly, the denial of a pre-eminence by birth; that however, in their present dispositions, citizens might decline accepting honorary instalments into the order; but a time may come, when a change of dispositions would render these flattering, when a well directed distribution of them might draw into the order all the men of talents, of office, and wealth; and in this case, would probably procure an ingraftment into the government; that in this, they will be supported by their foreign members, and the wishes and influence of foreign courts; that experience has shown that the hereditary branches of modern governments are the patrons of privilege and prerogative, and not of the natural rights of the people, whose oppressors they generally are: that besides these evils, which are remote, others may take place more immediately; that a distinction is kept up between the civil and military, which it is for the happiness of both to obliterate; that when the members assemble they will be proposing to do something, and what that something may be, will depend on actual circumstances; that being an organized body, under habits of subordination, the first obstruction to enterprise will be already surmounted; that the moderation and virtue of a single character have probably prevented this Revolution from being closed as most

others have been, by a subversion of that liberty it was intended to establish; that he is not immortal, and his successor, or some of his successors, may be led by false calculations into a less certain road to glory.

*

"This, Sir, is as faithful an account of sentiments and facts as I am able to give you. You know the extent of the circle within which my observations are at present circumscribed, and can estimate how far, as forming a part of the general opinion, it may merit notice, or ought to influence your particular conduct.

"It now remains to pay obedience to that part of your letter which requests sentiments on the most eligible measures to be pursued by the society, at their next meeting. I must be far from pretending to be a judge of what would, in fact, be the most eligible measures for the society. I can only give you the opinions of those with whom I have conversed, and who, as I have before observed, are unfriendly to it. They lead to these conclusions. 1. If the society proceed according to its institution, it will be better to make no application to Congress on that subject, or any other, in their associated character. 2. If they should propose to modify it, so as to ren der it unobjectionable, I think it would not be effected without such a modification as would amount almost to annihilation: for such would it be to part with its inheritability, its organization, and its assemblies. 3. If they shall be disposed to discontinue the whole, it would remain with them to determine whether they would choose it to be done by their own act only, or by a reference of the matter to Congress, which would infallibly produce a recommendation of total discontinuance.

"You will be sensible, Sir, that these communications are without reserve. I supposed such to be your wish, and mean them but as materials, with such others as you may collect, for your better judgment to work on. I consider the whole matter as between ourselves alone, having determined to take no active part in this or any thing else, which may lead to altercation, or disturb that quiet and tranquillity of mind, to which I consign the remaining portion of my life. I have been thrown back by events, on a stage where I had never more thought to appear. It is but for a time, however, and as a day laborer, free to withdraw, or be withdrawn at will. While I remain, I shall pursue in silence the path of right, but in every situation, public or private, I shall be gratified by all occasions of rendering you service, and of convincing you there is no one, to whom your reputation and happiness are dearer than to, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant."

The sentiments of Mr. Jefferson on the subject of the Cincinnati, were the sentiments of a majority of the members of Congress; and they soon animated the mass of the people. General Wash

ington was oppressed with solicitude; he weighed the considerations submitted to him, with intense deliberation; and although concious of the purity of the motives in which the institution origin-ated, he became sensible that it might produce political evils, which the warmth of those motives had disguised. But whether so or not, the fact that a majority of the people were opposed to it, was a sufficient motive with him, for desiring its immediate suppression. The first annual meeting was to be held in May ensuing, at Philadelphia; it was now at hand; and he went to it with the determination to exert all his influence for its annihilation. He proposed the matter to his fellow officers, and urged it with all his powers. It met with an opposition,' says Mr. Jefferson, which was observed to cloud his face with an anxiety, that the most distressful scenes of the war had scarcely ever produced. The question of dissolution was canvassed for several days, and, at length, the order was on the point of receiving its annihilation, by the vote of a great majority of its members. At this moment, their envoy arrived from France, charged with letters from the French officers, accepting cordially the proposed badges of fellowship, with solicitations from others to be received into the order, and the recognition of their magnanimous sovereign. The prospect was now changed. The question assumed a new form. After an offer made by themselves, and accepted by their friends, in what words could they clothe a proposition to retract it, which would not cover themselves with the reproaches of levity and ingratitude? which would not appear an insult to those whom they loved? They found it necessary, therefore, to preserve so much of the institution, as would support the foreign branch; but they obliterated every feature which was calculated to give offence to their own citizens; thus sacrificing, on each hand, to their brave allies, and to their country.'

The society was to retain its existence, its name, and its charitable funds; these last, however, were to be deposited with their respective Legislatures. The order was to be no longer hereditary : and it was to be communicated to no new members. The general meetings, instead of annual, were to be triennial only. The eagle and ribbon, indeed, were retained; because they were willing they should be worn by their friends in a country where they would not be objects of offence; but themselves never wore them. "They laid them up in their bureaus, with the medals of American Inde

pendence, with those of the trophies they had taken, and the battles they had won."

On the 7th of May, Congress resolved that a Minister Plenipotentiary should be appointed, in addition to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, already in Europe, for negotiating treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and Mr. Jefferson was unanimously elected.

The charge confided to this distinguished Legation, comprehended the origination and management of all our Foreign Relations; the adjustment of which, upon a firm and equitable basis, was evidently an undertaking of uncommon magnitude, difficulty and delicacy. We had now become an independent nation, and, as such, it was incumbent upon us to assert, with dignity, all those rights of fellowship with other nations, to which our separate and equal station gave us an equal title; and to receive, with suitable acknowledgements, as many favors, as any of them were disposed to grant. It was the great object of Congress, in the appointment of these Ambassadors, to get our commerce established with every nation, on a footing as favorable as that of any other government; and, for this purpose, they were directed to propose to each nation a distinct treaty of commerce. The acceptance, too, of such treaties, would amount to an acknowledgement, by each, of our independence, and of our reception into the fraternity of nations; "which," says Mr. Jefferson, "although as possessing our station of right, and in fact, we would not condescend to ask, we were not unwilling to furnish opportunities for receiving their friendly salutations and welcome." With France, the United Netherlands and Sweden, the United States already had commercial treaties; but commissions were given for those countries also, should any amendments be thought necessary. The other Powers, to which treaties were to be proposed, were England, Hamburg, Saxony, Prussia, Denmark, Russia, Austria, Venice, Rome, Naples, Tuscany, Sardinia, Genoa, Spain, Portugal, the Porte, Algiers, Tripoli, Tunis, and Morocco.

CHAPTER IX.

Mr. Jefferson accepted the honorable commission of Ambassador, and bid a final adieu to Congress, on the 11th of May, '84. Instead of returning to Monticello, the scene of his recent and distressing bereavement, he went directly to Philadelphia, took with him his eldest daughter, then in that city, and proceeded thence to Boston, in quest of a passage. This was the only occasion on which Mr. Jefferson ever visited New England; and while pursuing his journey, he made a point of stopping at the principal towns on the seaboard, to inform himself of the state of commerce in each State. With the same view, he extended his route into New Hampshire, and returned to Boston. He sailed thence, on the 5th of July, in the merchant ship Ceres, bound to Cowes, where he arrived, after a pleasant voyage, on the 26th. He was detained there a few days, by the indisposition of his daughter, embarked for Havre on the 30th, and arrived at Paris on the 6th of August. He called immediately on Dr. Franklin, at Passy, communicated to him their charge and instructions; and they wrote to Mr. Adams, then at the Hague, to join them at Paris.

The instructions given by Congress to the first Plenipotentiaries of Independent America, were a novelty in the history of international transactions; and much curiosity was manifested by the diplomatic corps of Europe, resident at the court of Versailles, to know the author of them. These instructions contemplated the introduction of numerous and fundamental reformations in the reciprocal relations of neutrals and belligerents, which, had the propositions of our Ministers been embraced by the principal powers of Europe, would have effected a series of the most substantial and desirable improvements in the international code of mankind. The principal reformations intended, were, a provision exempting from capture, by the public or private armed ships of either belligerent, when at war, all merchant vessels and their cargoes, employed merely in carrying on the commerce between nations-or, in other words, the abolition of privateering; a provision against the molestation of