of her family, an exception to the rule which, at that day, denied to so many of her sex the privileges of liberal education. By nature, kind and amiable; by breeding, refined; by association and persuasion, religious; possessed of a mind far above the average, which had been carefully cultivated and stored, she seemed then, and time more than approved her claim, the very woman to be to Adams at once all that a wife, and all that a sympathizing and encouraging companion could be. The two were always thoroughly en rapport, and in no writings of Adams', not even in his journal, do we see so much of the man, or learn so much of his real opinions of the measures which grew under his eye, as in his familiar letters to his wife.

In 1761, came the first hint of trouble between king and colonies, and that, too, in the province of Massachusetts and directly within the field of Adams' vision, and, from that time, for twenty-one years, he ranged himself on the side of his country, sounding every note in the scale, from protestation to rebellion. The history of this germination of freedom is elsewhere related in these pages. The exclusive trade of the colonies was claimed by the king, but the temptation offered by a clandestine traffic with Spain, Holland, and the alien colonies of the West Indies, proving too strong, an extensive smuggling trade had grown up, most of which came to Boston. In the year named, the King's officers, who were instructed to break up this inhibited traffic, applied to the courts of Massachusetts for writs of assistance, to protect them in searching houses and shops for contraband goods. Massachusetts was at once up in arms. It has always been little better than impossible to convince even very respectable people, that smuggling,—a mere malum prohibitum, is a moral wrong. The people of Massachusetts were no exceptions to this rule; their furtive trade was a source of great profit to them, and they had only assented to England's claim of a commercial eminent domain, with a mental reservation. Hence, when these radical measures were proposed, they took immediate steps to test at law the right of the king. The matter was argued before the superior court of the province, on behalf of the colony, by James Otis, a leader of the bar. Adams had lately been admitted to practice in that court, and listened to Otis' speech, which was the first formulation of the American protest against royal prerogative, with the closest attention. With the foresight which was one of his distinguishing characteristics, he looked far beyond the immediate issue, following very correctly to its more weighty results, the contest thus opened. Grasping the principle, not its accidental manifestation, he said that the decision of the contested point involved far more than the right of entering a domicile, or breaking up, a smuggling trade,—nothing less, in fact, than the whole system of restriction and control, by which Great Britain insured to herself the profit arising from her colonies. He did not foresee independence; had he done so, it would have been to lament it as a disastrous issue.

IF

CHAPTER III.

THE STAMP ACT AND ITS EFFECT THE BRAINTREE RESOLUTIONS.

F we except the holding of the office of surveyor of highways, to which reference has been made, we may date Mr. Adams' entry into politics from the passage of the stamp act, news of which reached the colonies. late in 1764. Massachusetts was first in the field in opposition to the outrage, and the little community at Braintree was among the first to take action in that colony. Adams initiated the movement, by drawing and circulating for signature, a petition to the selectmen of the town, praying them to call a meeting of the people, to take action in the premises, and to instruct their representative in the court in relation to the stamps. Before meeting, he prepared a draft of instructions, according to his own idea of propriety, and, carrying them with him, presented them for action. They were adopted without a dissenting voice. Upon being published, they met the very general approval of the people, and were adopted in part by the citizens of Boston, and wholly by no less than forty towns. This, of course, served to add to his public reputation, and, from that day, his intervals of life, uninterrupted by public service were neither many nor of long duration. Still, there remained for some years a divided allegiance between the law, which he could not afford entirely to give over, and the cause which had so warmly enlisted his sympathy and devotion.

There was, in Boston, as elsewhere, a great diversity of opinion as to the proper way of meeting the stamp act, scunding the whole popular gamut, from the howling of an irresponsible and riotous mob, to the submissive whining of the few who deprecated even protest. Boston was, for a time, reduced to a condition of terrorism. The stamp act passed in March, and was to go into effect November 1st. On the 29th of May, the General Court of Massachusetts met in annual session, at Boston. Sir Francis Bernard was king's governor at the time, and, in his usual set speech to the assembly, though he knew how thoroughly absorbed were

of her family, an exception to the rule which, at that day, denied to so many of her sex the privileges of liberal education. By nature, kind and amiable; by breeding, refined; by association and persuasion, religious; possessed of a mind far above the average, which had been carefully culti vated and stored, she seemed then, and time more than approved her claim, the very woman to be to Adams at once all that a wife, and all that a sympathizing and encouraging companion could be. The two were always thoroughly en rapport, and in no writings of Adams', not even in his jour nal, do we see so much of the man, or learn so much of his real opinions of the measures which grew under his eye, as in his familiar letters to his wife.

In 1761, came the first hint of trouble between king and colonies, and that, too, in the province of Massachusetts and directly within the field of Adams' vision, and, from that time, for twenty-one years, he ranged himself on the side of his country, sounding every note in the scale, from protestation to rebellion. The history of this germination of freedom is else where related in these pages. The exclusive trade of the colonies was claimed by the king, but the temptation offered by a clandestine traffic with Spain, Holland, and the alien colonies of the West Indies, proving too strong, an extensive smuggling trade had grown up, most of which came to Boston. In the year named, the King's officers, who were instructed to break up this inhibited traffic, applied to the courts of Massachusetts for writs of assistance, to protect them in searching houses and shops for contraband goods. Massachusetts was at once up in arms. It has always been little better than impossible to convince even very respectable people, that smuggling,—a mere malum prohibitum, is a moral wrong. The people of Massachusetts were no exceptions to this rule; their furtive trade was a source of great profit to them, and they had only assented to England's claim of a commercial eminent domain, with a mental reservation. Hence, when these radical measures were proposed, they took immediate steps to test at law the right of the king. The matter was argued before the superior court of the province, on behalf of the colony, by James Otis, a leader of the bar. Adams had lately been admitted to practice in that court, and listened to Otis' speech, which was the first formulation of the American protest against royal prerogative, with the closest attention. With the foresight which was one of his distinguishing characteristics, he looked far beyond the immediate issue, following very correctly to its more weighty results, the contest thus opened. Grasping the principle, not its accidental manifestation, he said that the decision of the contested point. involved far more than the right of entering a domicile, or breaking up, a smuggling trade,-nothing less, in fact, than the whole system of restriction and control, by which Great Britain insured to herself the profit arising from her colonies. He did not foresee independence; had he done so, it would have been to lament it as a disastrous issue.

IF

CHAPTER III.

THE STAMP ACT AND ITS EFFECT THE BRAINTREE RESOLUTIONS.

F we except the holding of the office of surveyor of highways, to which reference has been made, we may date Mr. Adams' entry into politics from the passage of the stamp act, news of which reached the colonies late in 1764. Massachusetts was first in the field in opposition to the outrage, and the little community at Braintree was among the first to take action in that colony. Adams initiated the movement, by drawing and circulating for signature, a petition to the selectmen of the town, praying them to call a meeting of the people, to take action in the premises, and to instruct their representative in the court in relation to the stamps. Before meeting, he prepared a draft of instructions, according to his own idea of propriety, and, carrying them with him, presented them for action. They were adopted without a dissenting voice. Upon being published, they met the very general approval of the people, and were adopted in part by the citizens of Boston, and wholly by no less than forty towns. This, of course, served to add to his public reputation, and, from that day, his intervals of life, uninterrupted by public service were neither many nor of long duration. Still, there remained for some years a divided allegiance between the law, which he could not afford entirely to give over, and the cause which had so warmly enlisted his sympathy and devotion.

There was, in Boston, as elsewhere, a great diversity of opinion as to the proper way of meeting the stamp act, scunding the whole popular gamut, from the howling of an irresponsible and riotous mob, to the submissive whining of the few who deprecated even protest. Boston was, for a time, reduced to a condition of terrorism. The stamp act passed in March, and was to go into effect November 1st. On the 29th of May, the General Court of Massachusetts met in annual session, at Boston. Sir Francis Bernard was king's governor at the time, and, in his usual set speech to the assembly, though he knew how thoroughly absorbed were

the people in discussing and considering the act, he wisely evaded a direct mention of it. John Quincy Adams has thus summarized the concluding portion of the address, which clearly shows a desire to avoid any issue with legislators or people: "He concluded his speech by an apologetic and monitorial paragraph, informing them that the general settlement of the American provinces, long before proposed, would now probably be prosecuted to its utmost completion. That it must necessarily produce some regulations, which, for their novelty ONLY, would appear disagreeable. But he was convinced, and doubted not but experience would confirm it, that they would operate, as they were designed, for the benefit and advantage of the colonies. In the meantime, a respectable submission to the decrees of parliament was their interest, as well as their duty. That, in an empire extended and diversified as that of Great Britain, there must be a supreme legislature, to which all other power must be subordinate. But," he adds, "it is our happiness that our supreme legislature, the parliament of Great Britain, is the sanctuary of liberty and justice; and that the prince who presides over it, realizes the idea of a patriot king. Surely, then, we should submit our opinions to the determination of so august a body, and acquiesce in a perfect confidence that the rights of the members of the British empire, will ever be safe in the hands of the conservators of the liberties of the whole."

If the honorable governor expected by this flimsy expedient to smooth the way for the enforcement of the stamp act, he was doomed to disappointment. Not the slightest response was made to the speech, and such silence was the more ominous from the fact that an answering address had customarily been voted. In the afternoon of the same day, however, the assembly appointed committees to consider and report upon certain specified clauses of the speech, which were considered to demand attention, as directly affecting the commercial interests of the province. On the 5th of June, the speaker appointed a committee to report upon the last paragraph of the governor's message. For various reasons, nothing was heard from any of these committees. On the following day, however, the house, "taking into consideration the many difficulties to which the colonies were and must be reduced, by the operation of some late acts of parliament for levying duties and taxes on the colonies," appointed a committee consisting of the speaker and eight other members, including James Otis, to consider and report as to the proper course of action in the premises. This committee had its report already prepared. It was from the pen of Mr. Otis, and recommended that the assembly should communicate with the representative body of each colony, urging a meeting of persons delegated by the various assemblies and houses of burgesses, to consult concerning the condition of the colonies, and the best means of meeting the serious difficulties arising from the attempt of Great Britain to levy