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CHAPTER X.

1800-1801.

SECRETARY OF STATE.

THE Cabinet of President Adams, as described at the time, was an exceedingly disjointed one. They were, as he afterwards said, 'a legacy of Secretaries left him by General Washington.' The Secretary of State was Timothy Pickering; of the Treasury, Oliver Wolcott; of War, James M'Henry; of the Navy, Benjamin Stoddart;' and the Attorney-General was Charles Lee.

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The first, Mr. Adams has described with characteristic point, and in terms which, it has been observed, would be equally applicable to himself. He [Mr. Pickering] is, for anything I know, a good son, husband, father, grandfather, brother, uncle, and cousin ; but he is a man in a mask, sometimes of silk, sometimes of iron, and sometimes of brass; and he can change them very suddenly, and with some dexterity.' 'He is extremely susceptible of violent and inveterate prejudices; and yet, such are the contradictions to be found in human characters, he is capable of very sudden and violent transitions from one extreme to an opposite extreme. Under the simple appearance of a

'Stoddart was appointed by Mr. Adams; the Navy Department being created after his accession to the Presidency.

bald head and straight hair, and under professions of profound republicanism, he conceals an ardent ambition, envious of every superior, and impatient of obscurity. I always think of a coal-pit, covered over with red earth, glowing within, but unable to conceal its internal heat, for the interstices which let out the smoke, and now and then a flash of flame.'

Wolcott, though not belonging to the highest grade of public character, was a man of abilities; energetic, ardent, and sagacious. He administered the affairs of the Treasury with great prudence, and graced the position he occupied.

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M'Henry, though 'sensible, judicious, well-informed, of an integrity never questioned, of a temper which, though firm in the support of principles, had too much moderation and amenity to offend by the manner of doing it,' did not possess the peculiar qualifications required for the duties of the War Department. He wanted skill in the details of administration. The diffidence which he feels,' wrote Wolcott, 'exposes his business to delays, and he sometimes commits mistakes which his enemies employ to impair his influence.' 2

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The Secretary of the Navy, and the Attorney-General, are thus described, and by the same hand:

'Mr. Stoddart," he says, 'is a man of great sagacity, and conducts the business of his Department with success and energy; he means to be popular; he has more of the confidence of the President than any offi

1 Thus described by Hamilton.

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2 Wolcott to Ames, December 29th, 1799. Federal Administrations, vol. ii., p. 315.

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VOL. II.-26

cer of the Government. He professes to know less than he really knows, and to be unequal to the task of forming or understanding a political system. He will have much influence in the Government, and avoid taking his share of the responsibility.

'Mr. Lee is a sensible man, and I think a candid man, who thinks much of Virginia. He fears disorders and a dissolution of the Union. He frequently dissents to what is proposed by others, and approves the sentiments of the President; but, with respect to measures, will rarely take an active part'.

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The differences between the President and his three principal Secretaries, Pickering, M'Henry, and Wolcott, respecting the mission to France, and the acrimonious feelings growing out of those differences, led to important changes in the Cabinet. M'Henry was forced to resign, and Pickering, refusing to resign, was dismissed. Wolcott was retained, it was said, because the President feared derangements in the affairs of the Treasury; but the more probable cause is, that he was not informed as to the extent of his hostility. Wolcott, however, voluntarily resigned before the close of the year.

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M'Henry resigned on the 6th of May, 1800; the re

1 Wolcott to Ames, December 29th, 1799. Federal Administrations, vol. ii., p. 315.

2 M'Henry to M'Henry, May 20th, 1800. Ibid., pp. 346, 348. It must be admitted that Adams had just cause for the removal of his obnoxious Secretaries. He certainly was entitled to the aid of a Cabinet who sympathized with his views. But Pickering, Wolcott, and M'Henry not only condemned his policy, but were personally opposed to him. Pickering hated him, openly denounced him, and all desired to get rid of him. Mutual confidence was gone. The won

der is, considering Adams' impetuous temperament, that they were not dismissed at an earlier moment.

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signation to take effect on the 1st of June. On the 7th, Marshall was nominated as his successor. was never consulted, and had no intimation that

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M'Henry was to retire.' This appointment he declined; but, on the 13th, accepted the Department of State, from which Pickering had been removed the day before. The War Department was filled by Mr. Dexter.

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The accession of Marshall to the Cabinet, under the circumstances we have described, caused not the slightest diminution of friendship between Pickering and himself, nor the least abatement of confidence and respect on the part of those who sympathized with the discarded Secretaries. Even Wolcott applauds his acceptance of the post assigned him, and bears testimony to the importance of his services. Let me not be suspected,' thus he writes, of entertaining the harsh opinion that the gentlemen lately appointed to office are not independent men. I highly respect and esteem them both, and consider their acceptance of their offices as the best evidence of their patriotism. I consider General Marshall and Mr. Dexter as more than Secretaries-as State Conservators the value of whose services ought to be estimated, not only by the good they do, but by the mischief they have prevented. If I am not mistaken, however, General Marshall will find himself out of his proper element.'2

'But,' says Mr. Adams, my new Minister, Marshall, did all to my entire satisfaction,' and he might have added, to the public satisfaction also. His instructions to Mr. King, our Minister at the Court of St. James,

'Wolcott to Ames, August 10th, 1800. Federal Administrations, vol. ii., pp. 400, 402.

2 Ibid.

respecting the claims of British creditors, and neutral rights, have always, deservedly, held high rank in the roll of American State papers. The pending negotiations with France threatened to compromit us with England, as the negotiations with England six years before had threatened to involve us in war with France. But this pretension, that one nation may interfere with the concerns of another nation, equally independent and sovereign as itself, was never submitted to by the United States. The Jay treaty was ratified in spite of the clamors and threats of France, and the negotiations with France were prosecuted to a successful conclusion, notwithstanding the jealousy of England. The United States,' said Marshall, in a despatch to Mr. King, do not hold themselves in any degree responsible to France or to Great Britain for their negotiations with the one or the other of those Powers; but they are ready to make amicable and reasonable explanations with either. The aggressions sometimes. of one and sometimes of another belligerent Power, have forced us to contemplate and prepare for war as a probable event. We have repelled, and we will continue to repel, injuries not doubtful in their nature, and hostilities not to be misunderstood. But this is a situation of necessity, not of choice. It is one in which we are placed, not by our own acts, but by the acts of others, and which we change as soon as the conduct of others will permit us to change it.

The Presidential election in 1800 was conducted with great violence, and resulted, as is well known, in the defeat of Mr. Adams. His competitor was the only public character, it is believed, towards whom Marshall ever imbibed and retained feelings of personal hostility. He had no confidence either in his politics or morals. When, therefore, it was ascertained that the

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