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35TH CONG....1ST SESS.

The millions of this decrease of the inland com-. merce, whilst it gives a solution of your financial difficulties, shows unerringly the source of your

revenue.

I might follow this inquiry and show that every facility you added to inland transportation and every consumer and producer that emigrated to the West increased the means of your foreign commerce, and in return, increased your revenues.

As a question in political economy in the augmentation of national wealth, the improvement of harbors and rivers should be the first care of the Government.

If those who bear the burden of Government are entitled to share any of its benefits, then these inland interests should not be longer neglected.

You do not hesitate to vote annually millions to protect life and property engaged in foreign commerce in distant seas; yet upon your inland seas, millions of property is there sacrificed and thousands of lives there lost by your persistent neglect to appropriate insignificant sums to preserve their harbors from destruction.

You do not hesitate to vote millions for fortifications, and harbors on the Atlantic coast, but your inland coast, equal in national importance and almost equal in extent, is unfortified, and harbors neglected and perishing receive no consideration, even for common defense; when all know that in the event of war with England, now threatened on this floor, hostile fleets, as in 1812, will again encounter on every inland sea, and our whole frontier again smoke and blaze with contending

armies.

It is true you appropriate a few thousand dollars every year for light-houses on our lakes, for which we are thankful, as that gives "light" to warn our mariners in the darkness and the storm to shun your decaying and dilapidated piers, and your dangerous and treacherous harbors.

THE OBJECTIONS TO APPROPRIATIONS.

In the remarks I intended to make, I cannot notice fully all the objections against these appropriations. I can only refer to two, which are the principal ones: First, That they involve schemes of private speculation and public corruption.

Post Office at Columbus-Mr. Cox.

equal rights among the States and the people of the States of this Union, to have their harbors improved, their rivers and channels of commerce cleared for the cheap transportation of their articles of consumption and production to and from the markets of the world.

The enemies of inland appropriations vote free trade on the frontier, and then claim that we are not entitled to any appropriation because we collect no revenue. Their logic is as bad as their inconsistency is unpardonable. I will add here, to remove the misrepresentation constantly made on this floor, on these points a statement of the amount of revenues collected, and appropriations made for northwestern lakes, from 1837 to 1855: The revenues collected in fifteen districts amounted to..... Amount appropriated for lakes...

.$5,511,129 98 2,884,125 00 Excess of revenue over appropriations....$2,627,004 98

It will thus be seen that appropriations for the western lakes are in the aggregate about equal to appropriations for the construction of the New Orleans custom-house, which still cries "give!"

THE ONLY CONSTITUTIONAL MODE FOR THE PROTECTION OF INLAND COMMERCE.

I have now to refer to the only mode for the improvement of harbors and rivers suggested, except that sanctioned by the practice of the Government since its origin-the tonnage system. This, sir, I believe, is impracticable and unconstitutional. It was tried under the Confederation, and one of the causes which led to the early formation of our present Constitution was the conflict between the States in their internal and external com

merce.

The result was the transfer of the power over both, as well as of the revenues of all the States, in trust for the "public welfare," to the General Government as the only remedy for angry collisions and conflicting rivalries between the States.

The history of that period is full of admonition as to its inexpediency, even if it were constitutional, to return to this exploded system. We would suppose our Constitution plain on this point:

"Nor shall vessels bound to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another."-Sec. 9, art. 1. Free trade among the States was the policy of the framers of the Constitution, and in analogy with its spirit and all its provisions. It was recognized in the ordinance of 1787:

If this allegation be true, it assails the integrity of the representative and the fidelity of the public servant. It proves too much; it proves a decay of public virtue that strikes at the fundamental principle as well as the progress of self-government. When the public welfare of millions of our agricultural people must be neglected and sacrificed because the Government has not vigor and virtue enough to prevent political profligacy from dividing with them the means which the Govern ment appropriates for the promotion of these par-States, and those of any other States that may be admitted amount interests, then our representative system is not worth preserving.

The other objection made to appropriations for our commercial conveniences and securities in the West is, that the collection districts, as they allege, produce no revenue. This is a modern cavil.

To make revenue a test of these western appropriations is a fallacy not creditable to the intelligence and statesmanship of those who make it. It is answer enough that these general appropri ations are demanded by the "public welfare" and the common "defense."

The reciprocity treaty diminished the revenue, but increased the business, and has required enlarged commercial conveniences. If the vigilance now maintained by the custom-house police on the frontier were relaxed, you would find the West soon underselling your New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and Baltimore merchants, from the supplies of contraband goods, and the necessities for the palatial custom-houses on the Atlantic coast would no longer exist, as you would have no revenue to collect.

The revenue which the West pays to the national Government is not to be measured by the meager returns of your custom-houses-it must be estimated by what its millions of consumers pay; for no fact is more undeniable in political economy than that revenue is a tax upon the consumption of the country.

Yes, sir, the consumers and producers of the West demand these appropriations, not as concessions of favor, but of right-constitutional and

"The navigable waters leading into the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, and the carrying places between the same, shall be commion highways, and forever free, as well to the inhabitants of said Territory as to the citizens of the United

into the Confederacy, without any tax, impost, or duty therefor."

This was reaffirmed by Congress after the adoption of the Constitution by an act of Congress of 7th August, 1789. So it will be seen that in the Constitution as well as in Congress, the principle of liberty was not only intended to be established as an equal right of the people, but free trade between the States was made a part of our organic form of government.

I felt called on, sir, to refer to this tonnage system, from the distinguished recommendation it has received for the last six years-[Mr. DOUGLAS.] It is to be regretted that it has been renewed by some of the friends of the inland commerce of the country, as the effect can only be to divide them on the only constitutional and practicable meas

ure of relief.

HO. OF REPS.

and Southwest from the increasing immigration. The elements of political power with us are population and the ballot-box.

The strip of a sea-board on the Atlantic, and the manufacturing portions of the country bordering on it, must sooner or later yield to the just de mands of the numerical supremacy of the West for the improvement of their great lines of internal trade and commerce, which will and must ever be kept free, open, and common to our people. Inland commerce is the peaceful sovereign of the Union.

Its seat of empire is in the summits of the West; the sources of the mighty rivers of this country are there. They cannot be in one Government and their outlets in another. Inland commerce, will hold all together-sea-board, lakes, rivers, valleys and mountains, and from its outward movement to the ocean will be created a community of interest and a fraternity of feeling that will bind the Union of these States together and forever.

POST OFFICE AT COLUMBUS.

-

SPEECH OF HON. SAMUEL S. COX,
OF OHIO,

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
May 31, 1858.

The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union

Mr. COX said:

Mr. CHAIRMAN: I did not come here this evening with the intention of saying a word; I expected only to have been a hearer; I wished to pay that compliment to a distinguished colleague, [Mr. LEITER.]

During the course of my colleague's speech, I asked leave to propound this question: whether, notwithstanding all his repudiation of the Lecompton constitution, and after all his statements that the people had repudiated it, he did not re cord his voice in favor of the preamble of the Crit tenden-Montgomery bill? That preamble is as

follows:

"Whereas the people of the Territory of Kansas did, by a convention of delegates called and assembled at Lecomp ton on the 4th day of September, 1857, for that purpose, form for themselves a constitution and State government, which said constitution is republican, and said convention

having asked the admission of said Territory into the Union as a State, on an equal footing with the original States-"

My colleague denied having so voted. I referred him to his vote in the Globe, page 1437. He insisted on saying that he did not thus vote. I told him, as I thought very charitably, that he no doubt did so vote for the preamble, under a mistake. My colleague replied that he made no mistakes in legislation. He knew what he did when he voted. I take him, then, at his word. Iconfess, for myself and many anti-Lecompton Denocrats, that we did not know we were voting for that preamble; though I do not consider pream bles of much legislative force. But my colleague makes no such mistake-not he. Let us see, then, what he did knowingly.

Mr. LEITER. We were entitled to a separate vote on that preamble.

Mr. COX. Did you get it? Did you ask for it? Mr. LEITER. That preamble was never adopted by this House.

Mr. COX. I will refer to the record. The gentleman, it must be remembered, never votes by mistake. I have the Congressional Globe before me. Turn to page 1436, where Mr. MONT GOMERY offered his amendment:

"Mr. MONTGOMERY. I move to amend the bill by strik ing out all after the enacting clause, and insert the folowing:"

I have thus, sir, concisely presented the leading features of our inland commerce, and its claims for these very limited appropriations. It is idle for gentlemen to suppose that they can much longer successfully resist them. This great interest After voting down Mr. QUITMAN's amendment, must be restored to its equal position as a branch the amendment of Mr. MONTGOMERY was voted of public service. The time was when these national questions occupied the attention of this knew well the effect of the vote, called for the in. Then Mr. CAMPBELL, an old legislator, who House, but, unfortunately, slavery and anti-slave-yeas and nays on the passage of the bill. What

ry abstractions have crowded from these Halls all all fair consideration of the public welfare. This cannot continue. These long neglected inland interests must resume their place in the public mind!

Their recognition here will be enforced by the political power that is accumulating in the North

was that bill? I have it before me. It has a preamble before the enacting clause. All after that Mr. CAMPBELL called for the yeas and nays of was stricken out; but the preamble remained. ERT, which constitute the entire House bill. On the preamble and amendment of Mr. MONTGOM that vote my colleague's name is recorded for the

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35TH CONG....1ST SESS.

preamble and amendment, page 1437, fourth line from the bottom of the last column.

Mr. LEITER. It must be remembered that resolutions and bills are always passed before the preambles.

Mr. COX. We will come to that in a moment. He did not vote for that preamble; and he never votes by mistake, he says. There is no escape for the gentleman from this dilemma. I would not call attention to it, but for the fact that my colleague's political friends in Ohio, in the course of their unexampled abuse of my vote for the conference bill, have quoted the same preamble which all the Republicans voted for, for my condemnation. I do not profess to understand this thing as well as the gentleman. He never votes by mistake; therefore, he must have sustained that bill as it went from the House to the Senate; and that bill, as it passed the House, had the preamble in it. How could it have got through this House without his vote? for on this bill he voted every time with the majority! Can there be any doubt about it? Turn over to page 1438, and you will see that Mr. MONTGOMERY, after "the bill, as amended, was passed," moved to "strike out of the preamble a part of the language used."

Mr. LEITER. We ought to have had a separate vote on that preamble. It was poorly engineered. I looked on the management then as bungling.*

Mr. COX. Whether it was good engineering or not, my colleague voted for the preamble; and he never votes by mistake. If it was bad engineering and bungling, my colleague is in for it; and cannot help it by his denial. Ah! the gentleman is beginning to understand the matter. If it was all right, and he made no mistake, and he did not vote for the preamble, where is there any bungling? Where the bad management? If my colleague did not vote for the preamble, there is no bungling, none at all. Why should Mr. MONTGOMERY move to strike out a part of the preamble, if the gentleman [Mr. LEITER] voting with the majority did not vote for it? Allow me to quote from the Globe, page 1438:

"Mr. MONTGOMERY. Is it in order to move to strike out of the preamble a portion of the language?

"The SPEAKER. The Chair is of opinion that it is not. The question has been suggested within the last few minutes. The proper time to have moved any amendment to the preamble was, in the opinion of the Chair, before the bill was ordered to a third reading."

So that it was then too late, as it is now too late, for any of us to get rid of that vote for the Montgomery bill. I have no such desire. I think, before the fall election is over, certain gentlemen will be sorry for their attacks upon members who honestly voted for the conference bill,

*The complaint of Mr. LEITER is, that he did not get a chance to vote against the preamble; that it ought to have been submitted to a separate vote. The inference he would like us to draw is, that as he could not get a separate vote, he had to vote for the whole bill-preamble and amend ment. Now, he had a clear course to take; if he did not like the preamble, he could have voted against the previous question, which estopped a separate vote. This he did not do. He voted to sustain the previous question. He therefore voted to cut off his own chance to get a separate vote; for it is well settled that after a bill is passed under the previous question it is out of order, as Speaker ORR decided, to amend or strike out the preamble. Never has a point been more notoriously settled. It was settled in the Twenty-Ninth Congress, famous for its accomplished parliamentariansWinthrop, Cobb, Douglas, John Quincy Adams, Toombs, Ingersoll, and others. It was settled in the Mexican war bill. Its famous preamble ran thus: "Whereas, by the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that Government and the United States: Be it enacted,"

&c.

Many of the Opposition wished to vote supplies, but believed the preamble false. But they had no power, as they knew, to amend the preamble, or strike it out. They could not get a separate vote on it after Mr. Brinkerhoff demanded the previous question. Mr. Garrett Davis, laboring under this dilemma, said: "I object to the preamble, because it sets forth so bold a falsehood. I protest solemnly against defiling this measure with the unfounded statement that Mexico began this war."-(Congressional Globe, vol. 15, page 794.) Mr. Garrett Davis asked to be excused from Voting; but he was not excused. He voted for the bill, but he did what Mr. LEITER did not-protested against the preamble. He never claimed a separate vote on the preamble, because he knew it was unparliamentary. The parliamentary law was before then well settled. No doubt many (Delano, Root, Giddings, Adams, Vance, and others) voted against the bill because they did not like the preamble. Mr. LEITER had the same privilege on the House bill. He did not exercise it; and it is too late now to complain. Certainly he cannot complain of the Democrats who voted with him for the same preamble-in the Senate bill, the House bill, or the conference bill.

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Post Office at Columbus-Mr. Cox.

which, as Mr. MONTGOMERY himself says, is the
same thing in substance, except, perhaps, a "few
verbal alterations."

How, then, can the gentleman say there is a
preamble to the House bill, unless he voted for
it? He never gave a vote against the bill in any
shape. The preamble was voted for by him
when he voted for the bill as amended.

Mr. LEITER. It was permitted to remain there, when it should have been stricken out. Mr. COX. Very well. I have said all I desired to on that point. That remark of my colleague is enough for him. I do not refer to this matter now for any other purpose than to advise gentlemen that they are not to be allowed to put the Democracy of Ohio to the defense of that which they themselves did-knowingly did-did under no misapprehension. And when we are charged with voting, by way of preamble, that the "people of Kansas" made Lecompton "for themselves, we point to the entire Republican record to show that gentlemen, under "no mistake," recorded the same thing as their opinion. But, Mr. Chairman, I rose principally because I desired to express my views, briefly, upon a matter of local importance to my State, district, and city. I wish to place upon record the views and facts which appertain to a local measure that lies close to my heart, and which I have pursued this whole session with a sleepless anxiety. I hold in my hand House bill No. 539, reported unanimously from the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads, "providing for certain public buildings for post offices and other Government purposes." Among the hundred cases submitted for their consideration, the committee, on the 28th April, wisely selected about a dozen, and, among them, the city of Columbus, and have reported $50,000 for the purchase of a site and the erection of a building there, for a post office, and other Government purposes. Yesterday, the Post Office Committee of the Senate selected Columbus, with three other cases, for the favorable action of the Senate. To-morrow the vote will be taken on it in that body.

With this double and emphatic recommendation, I propose to give to the House some of the reasons I have been urging for the appropriation.

I know that it is an unpropitious time for such matters. The Treasury is empty, although the country is rich. The Government, however, has no debt of any consequence to a nation like ours; and although the Secretary of the Treasury frowns upon such objects at present, yet I do hope that a case of necessity like that of Columbus will not meet with a rebuff from Congress. At least, I shall have done my duty in presenting its merits now; trusting, if not to the present, then to the next session, to do what ought to be done now.

I desire, at least, now to lay the foundation of a claim on the legislation of Congress which, at a more seasonable time, I will urge, with no such drawback as a poor Treasury.

No one who has ever seen the present Columbus post office building would doubt that there exists a pressing necessity there for the construction of a Government building. Some eight hundred of its prominent citizens have memorialized Congress upon that subject.

The following among other reasons are urged in its behalf:

1. Columbus is the capital of Ohio, in which is annually assembled the Legislature of the State, composed of about one hundred and sixty members and officers. This body is in session at least three months. The supreme court of the State holds terms during one half the year. The executive offices and nearly all of the public insti

tutions are located here.

Other State capitals, among the rest our neigh

bors, Indiana and Illinois, have had the benefit
of a post office building conferred on them. Our
State has at least equal, if not superior, claims to
the same regard.

2. The city contains a population of about
twenty-seven thousand inhabitants, and is the
center of extensive and important business trans-
actions. There are four railroads radiating from
thence to Cleveland, to Wheeling, to Indian-
apolis, to Cincinnati-each cardinal thorough-
fares to the four points of the compass.

3. The office performs the business of a pop

HO. OF REPS.

ulation of nearly forty thousand, in addition to the population of the city. Its revenue is $4,224 65; but that is no adequate criterion of the importance and service of the office.

4. It is one of the three distributing offices of the State, and has in its service the labor of twelve clerks, and requires really a larger force.

5. The building now in use is poorly adapted to the business of the office. Its construction does not afford the necessary facilities for the convenient transaction of business. It is badly lighted, and cannot be warmed without danger. It is not a safe depository for the valuable matter passing through the office. In its rear is a bake-shop and coffee and spice-grinding establishment, which has three times been consumed by fire. On the last occasion of fire, an adjoining building was destroyed, and many others put in danger. On one side is an extensive eating establishment, which has its kitchen under the office. In the upper part of the building are offices, and a public hall for concerts and exhibitions. The rent for the present office is $800. It is on the south side of the public square, in a most convenient location, but wholly inadequate for the purpose for which it is used.

6. There is no building in the city, with a proper location, and of proper construction and arrangement, which can be rented for the office. The building ought to be in the heart of the city, and no such building can be had at present.

7. There is another claim which central Ohio makes for the accommodation of the capital. There will be terms of the United States courts held again at Columbus, when_the law now reported for that purpose in the Senate shall have passed. The exigency of the case demands such a law. The separation of the State into two judicial districts, in 1854, was a loss to the capital, in more than one sense. It was a great disadvantage to one third of the counties of the State, which were interested in the litigation of the United States courts. Ohio furnished at Columbus, for years, a building, rent free, as I believe, for the United States courts; and now she asks, in her necessity, for a building for Federal purposes as one sign, at least, of Federal recognition.

8. She has had but little attention of this kind. Although paying, as I shall show, over six million dollars annually, into the Federal Treasury, she has received in appropriations for buildings, altogether, only about six hundred thousand, as follows:

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I might show what other States, which pay smaller tribute to the Federal Treasury, have received, not counting immense appropriations for sea-coast improvements, but simply for buildings alone. Maine has received more than $650,000. Little Rhode Island over $264,000-a State with one tenth of the representation which Ohio has on this floor. The New Orleans custom-house alone has already cost $2,675,258, and requires, to finish it, $1,500,000 more. It has already cost nearly five times as much as Ohio has received altogether. Virginia-less than Ohio in her Federal representation and Federal taxes-has received $800,000 for public buildings.

But these comparisons are invidious. I venture to say that Ohio, by the votes of her members of Congress, has contributed liberally toward those improvements which lie out of her State. She has been as liberal by her votes to the Atlantic and other States, as she has been by the payment of her Federal taxes. She pays, as I said, one tenth of the Federal revenue. The taxes paid by the people of Ohio stand thus:

Taxes paid to the State....
Taxes paid for local purposes..........................
Taxes paid to the United States................、

$2,609,395 6,063,903

6,000,000

$14,673,298

The taxes paid to the National Government are more than double those paid to the State Government; and the people of Ohio pay for the support

35TH CONG....1ST SESS.

Washington and Oregon War Claims-Mr. Stevens.

of the State government but one sixth what they pay for the support of the National Government;

WASHINGTON AND OREGON WAR CLAIMS.

HO. OF REPS.

Have you no vagabonds? Have you no courts, no juries, no jails, no penitentiaries? Why, even

for one half of the above $2,609,000 is paid for SPEECH OF HON. I. I. STEVENS, here, murder stalks at noon-day, and has marched schools.

The statement that we pay $6,000,000 to the national Government is based on these facts:

1. The average national revenue (wholly indirect) is about sixty-five million dollars per annum. This year it may be $70,000,000; but $65,000,000 is a fair average.

2. The entire amount of this is paid by the white inhabitants of the United States, excepting, perhaps, a very few free blacks.

3. Of the white population of the United States, the State of Ohio has just about one tenth.

4. The people of Ohio have as much property, and live quite as comfortably as the people of any section of the Union.

5. From these facts, it follows inevitably, that the people of Ohio consume one tenth of all the products on which the custom-house tax is levied, as iron, sugar, &c. They also, undoubtedly, pay their full proportion of what is paid for public lands. In the last ten years, full seventy thousand people have gone from Ohio to lowa alone. This is a matter of certainty. Millions of our capital have been sent West and invested in the public lands of the new States and Territories, and have contributed to swell the Federal exchequer. The conclusion, then, is unavoidable, that the people of Ohio contribute one tenth, namely, $6,500,000, to the national revenue. For caution's sake, I put it at $6,000,000.

Is it not fair and just that a State so liberal and ready to do her part toward the Federal revenue should receive some consideration. Even in a time when the Treasury seems depressed, when she presents a case of necessity and urgency, should she not have a small quota of the public expenditure? Ohio gives freely to the improvements of the coast. She has paid her tithe for the maintenance of our noble little Army. She has voted to sustain the Navy which bears our flag; and though "inland far she be," she is as ready today to vote supplies of balls and powder, shells and ships, and other instruments of naval warfare, to punish British insolence and aggression, and maintain the nationality of our flag, as she was in her youth, on the 10th of February, 1810, when, by the resolutions of her Legislature, she pioneered the sentiment which led to the late war with England. In every relation which Ohio sustains to the Federal Government, she has shown a fidelity and a patriotism which it is not now in bad taste, I trust, to recall, when I ask for her beautiful capital, which I am proud to represent here, a structure which may at once decorate it with a monument of elegance, and subserve the most practical purposes of a prosperous and growing population.

I conclude, Mr. Chairman, by moving that the committee rise.

Mr. LEITER. I wish to ask my colleague a question here. Have I not quoted correctly the remarks of Governor Paine?

Mr. COX. I expect you have. I expect that Governor Paine will say the same thing upon the stump in Ohio in the next canvass. We will stand up to the doctrine of the Cincinnati platform, and we will, I have no doubt, after the election, have the gratification of knowing that we have again thrashed our Republican opponents. We will not claim the victory until it has been won. We will not go into ecstacies over a result until it has been announced. We will not, as the gentleman from Virginia says my colleague has done, count our chickens before they are hatched.

Mr. LEITER. Did not quote from the Democratic Central Committee of Ohio correctly?

Mr. COX. I am not positive about that. I should like to examine for myself. I have no doubt the gentleman has endeavored to quote correctly.

Mr. SMITH, of Virginia. The Democrats of the South only ask that the people of Kansas shall manage their own affairs in their own way. Let that be conceded to them, and there will not be a

murmur from us.

Mr. COX. That is my doctrine. Mr. LEITER. My colleague must know that I would not quote what was not a true extract. Mr. COX. I concede that.

OF WASHINGTON,

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

May 31, 1858.

The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union

Mr. STEVENS said:

Mr. CHAIRMAN: I take this occasion to present a few observations in regard to the Washington and Oregon war claim. This is a matter certainly of some little consequence, for it involves no less a sum than $6,000,000. Incident to this, however, is another question of more importance still, namely: the character and honor of the people of those distant Territories, and the honor of our whole country. One question touches the Treasury of the United States, and the other the good name of the people of the United States. I shall dwell upon them both. I shall endeavor to vindicate the character and conduct of the people of those Territories, and the operations undertaken by the authorities of those Territories for the purpose of suppressing Indian hostilities. I shall endeavor to show that those operations were necessary, that they were economical, and that they are entitled to the confidence and sympathy of the country; and finally, I shall endeavor to show by precedents, by the course of the Government in regard to other portions of the country, that we have a right to expect prompt and ample justice from the Congress of the United States.

in procession. It has controlled the elections of a neighboring city; and this, too, in your densely populated old States-this, too, in your cities, where civilization and refinement reign. I say to gentlemen who fling the term vagabond into our faces, first pull the beam out of your own eye, and then you can see clearly to pull the mote out of your brother's eye.

But, Mr. Chairman, I most emphatically deny all these charges; and I speak from the most abundant opportunities of personal observation. The good name of that people is dear to me. They have behaved in such a manner as entitles them not to sufferance, not simply to be passed along, but entitles them to your admiration and praise. They have held high advanced the flag of their country's honor, and have maintained the humanity and beneficence of its institutions.

Mr. Chairman, the Indian tribes of those two Territories number some forty-odd thousand souls: in Washington some twenty-two thousand, and in Oregon some twenty thousand. When the war commenced, in 1855, we had in Washington only about seventeen hundred able-bodied white men. The Indian tribes were all greatly disaffected; and their friendship could not be depended on. They numbered in the neighborhood of Puget Sound alone some two thousand five hundred | warriors, whilst on that sound we had not over one thousand able-bodied white men. East of the Cascades the Indian tribes are rich, proud, and brave. They had great chiefs-such chiefs as Kam-i-a-y-kan and Pu-pu-mux-mux. They had shown their prowess in war; at one time requir ing the provisional government of Oregon to exert all its strength in order to punish them for the atrocities committed in the robbery and murder of Mr. Whitman and his whole family. In the summer of 1855, just before the war commenced, the general impression in both Territories was, that there was little or no fear of war; for, Mr. Chairman, we had had rumors of this during previous years. The Indians had been, more or less, disaffected for a long time. There were many rumors of disaffection in the spring of 1855, though they were generally discredited. In the spring of 1855 both Colonel Bonneville, in command of the Columbia river district, and Major Rains, in command at the Dalles, came to the conclusion that the Walla-Walla chief, Pu-pu-mux-mux, ought to be seized and put in confinement, on the ground that he was getting up a general Indian war; and he would have been seized, and put in confine ment, had it not been for the persuasions of the Indian officers, who, equally with myself, discredited the reports, and had confidence in Pu

pu-mux-mux.

Previous to my going to the Walla-Walla coun cil, word was sent to me by the good father Rich ard, the superior of the missions in Yakima and Cayuse country, that the Yakimas, Cayuses, and Walla-Wallas would attend that council with a

Mr. Chairman, it has been often charged against us that that war was brought on by outrages upon the rights of the Indians; that it was gotten up for the purpose of speculation; and that it was the treaties which caused the war. Well, sir, suppose the treaties did cause the war; suppose we did have vagabonds in that country who committed outrages upon the Indians; suppose some few citizens were operated upon by the motive of making a speculation out of the war; if these things be true, did they make it any less the duty of the people and of the authorities of the Territories, a war having come upon them, to protect the settlements? What account would an Executive have had to render, who, when he heard that the Indians were devastating the settlements, burning the houses, and massacreing the women and children; had declined to protect those settlements, on the ground that here and there a white man had outraged the Indians, and had driven them to arms? Suppose the treaties did incite the war, was it the fault of the people of those Territories? Was the appointment of commissioners, the calling together of councils, and the forming of treaties, their act? Not at all. It was the act of your Government. It was the act of your Congress. It was done under the orders of your President. The people of the Territories certainly were not responsible, nor were the Executives of those people responsible. Sir, it does seem to me that it would be trifling with the in-hostile purpose, and that I would go there at the telligence, and insulting the understandings of gentlemen of this committee, if I were to undertake to defend the people of those Territories from the charge of having brought about this war for purposes of speculation. Who are the people of those Territories? How did they get there? Were they mere vagabonds and outcasts? Did they go there without law, and give to the world an example of lawlessness and insubordination? No, sir, they were American citizens, the very choice and flower of your yeomanry. They went there carrying with them the arts and arms, the laws and institutions of their country, and there they planted empire and civilization. How is this Government, and how are the people of these States known upon that coast? It is through the eighty-odd thousand people there who have given to the world, from their first settlement, an example of a law-abiding, an industrious, a patriotic, a suffering-ay, and a heroic people. You are known there through them, and through the institutions which they have carried there with them. Sir, when men talk about vagabonds in that country, I might with propriety refer them to Baltimore, and to Philadelphia, and to New York, and to all your large cities, and even to this national capital.

hazard of my life. I had warning from various sources; but the council had been called, and I went there in good faith, in order to attend to the business for which it had been called. We were in council fourteen days, in friendly council and friendly converse with the chiefs and the great body of the people of all these tribes. All these chiefs, who afterwards took up arms, were in my camp, and sat at my table during these fourteen days. I talked with them morning and evening, besides our formal talks in council; and in regard to that council this House has now in its posses sion an official record of its proceedings-a record which was taken verbatim by two secretaries sep arately. It is not a fixed up or patched up con cern. It has been charged that the Indians there were threatened, and that force was brought to bear in order to get their consent to the conces sions they made. Mr. Chairman, how ridiculous the charge! General Palmer and myself were the commissioners, and with the Indian agents, a few employés, and twenty-five soldiers to preserve order on the council ground, we met there fifteen hundred warriors, brave and proud men; and 1 say it is ridiculous to talk of our using threats and bringing force to bear to get them to yield to

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our terms. The record speaks for itself. The commissioners have no reason to be ashamed of it; nor has the Government reason to be ashamed of it.

When the Indians separated, it was with a cordial farewell on all sides; Kam-i-a-y-kan was the last man I saw; and that chief parted from me in the most cordial manner, expressing the utmost satisfaction at the results of the treaty.

I said to him on parting, “the agent Bolon will soon go into your country to select a site for the mills, and schools, and agency; and I wish you to advise him in the matter." And he replied, "I shall be glad to see him, and will point out a good place for the mill."

Pu-pu-mux-mux also parted from me in the same manner; and if ever the face of an Indian expressed joy and satisfaction, it was the face of Pu-pu-mux-mux. Such was the fact in reference to every Indian chief, and every Indian there assembled. I may remark, in regard to Puget Sound, that it is the testimony of the Indian chiefs, without exception, and also the testimony of all wellinformed and disinterested white men there, without exception, and such is my own deliberate judgment, that if we had not made these treaties, the war would have been general. The treaties were the controlling element in maintaining peace. Had it not been for these treaties, the field of war would have stretched from the coast to the divide of the Bitter Root mountains.

But, sir, in the observations I submitted a few days ago, I spoke of the conduct of our people, and of the conduct of the volunteers during that war. Their conduct was throughout humane and meritorious. At no time during that war was there any unauthorized killing by the volunteer forces.

The Indians, whether friendly or hostile, were sacred in the camps of the volunteers; and it is this fact that we hold up in the noon-day sun to disprove the accusations made against the people

of those Territories.

The first act of war was by the Indians. I have referred to Kam-i-a-y-kan, to his cordial farewell when I left him, and to his promise to assist the Indian agent Bolon, when he went into his country. The Yakimas occupy a country from the Cascades to the Columbia, one hundred and fifty miles east and west, and some two hundred north and south. In the month of August we began to hear of our citizens being murdered by the Yakimas. Finally the reports became so well authenticated that a military force under Major Haller was sent there by Major Rains, in command of the troops on the Columbia river, to demand the surrender of the murderers, or, on the event of refusal, to punish the tribe.

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ment. Such has ever been the policy of the Brit-
ish Government upon that coast, although under
the control of a simple trading company. The
Hudson's Bay Company owe their ascendency
over the Indians to this fact more than to all things
else; that the life of a Hudson's Bay employé has
been held sacred, and the Indians who did vio-
lence to it were held to a strict accountability. I
could mention many instances when this course
was pursued.

It has been alleged that the miners passing
through the Yakima, violated the Indian women,
and committed other outrages, which provoked
them to retaliate. I heard nothing of this on the
Spokane coming in from the Missouri, though I
used every means to ascertain whether the war
had been provoked by indiscretion and wrong,
conferring not only with the Indians of the Spo-
kane and neighboring tribes, but with the fathers
of the mission at the Cœur d'Alene and at Colville,
and with the officers of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany at the latter place.

HO. OF REPS.

general of the volunteers, trusting that the acting Governor would approve his action; and he also wrote for cartridges to be sent them, as he was deficient in ammunition. I give his letters in full, establishing these facts:

FORT STEILA COOM, W. T., October 31, 1855. SIR: I have the honor to state that I have called upon the citizens of Pierce county for one company of volunteers, to act against the Indians on White river and vicinity, who have been murdering our citizens, and attacked the company of rangers under Captain Eaton, mustered into the service of the United States.

This call has been promptly responded to, and a company of forty are now ready to take the field, under the command of Captain Wallace, who will report to you for orders.

I wish you would come down to our post, as I think your presence would expedite matters. I trust you will succeed in getting another company in your place, as I am of the opinion that no less than one hundred inen should think of taking the field, they to act together, and the work will speedily be finished. I trust that the acting Governor will approve of my action, as I could see no other way to maintain the peace of our country.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,
JOHN NUGEN,
Second Lieutenant Fourth Infantry, Com. Post.

In consequence of these murders, Major Haller JAMES TILTON, Adjutant General W. T. Volunteers. marched into the Yakima country with about one hundred regular troops; was met and attacked by a force of from ten to fifteen hundred warriors; and though for a time entirely surrounded and cut off from water, maintained his position, reached water after an obstinate and protracted fight of some twenty-four hours, and finally succeeded in making good his retreat and saving his command with a loss, in killed and wounded, of one third of his entire force. While surrounded, he was fortunate enough to get off a friendly Indian, who made his way to the Dalles, and gave information of the condition of Major Haller's command. There was great excitement throughout both Washington and Oregon in consequence. Major Rains immediately made a requisition upon the Governors of Washington and Oregon for volunteers; and that requisition was promptly complied with. The volunteers moved into the field; and thus this war had its origin, so far as the volunteers were concerned. I have here a whole volume of requisitions and orders and correspondence, demonstrating these facts, but will not read from the volume, as it will occupy time needlessly.

HEAD QUARTERS, FORT STEILACOOM, November 1, 1855. SIR I have detained Captain Wallace's company of volunteers to assist in protecting this post, in case an attack should be made. Dr. Tolmie, just in from Nisqually, informs me that one of his shepherds saw a band of some twenty Klickitats, just in rear of Nisqually, last night,

I have nearly all the women and children in the country at the post, and will, of course, protect them.

I would respectfully request that all the men in this section of the country be called out, as I ain firmly of the belief that we are to have a general Indian war in this vicinity.

The volunteers, Mr. Chairman, came into service in consequence of the attack of an overwhelming force of Indians upon the troops of the regular service, in virtue of a requisition of the officer in command of the military district, and because the regular troops were inadequate to protect the settlements, and bring this war to a conclusion.

On Puget Sound we had extraordinary difficulties to contend with. The war first broke out by the murder of a settlement of twelve persons on White river, and under circumstances of great atrocity. The settlers became alarmed in consequence of the floating rumors that the Indians were bent on war, and had fled from their homes to the nearest town-Seattle. The Indians who were their neighbors, went to them at Seattle, and told them that they were needlessly alarmed; asked them to go back to their claims, and assured them that if any danger should threaten them, they would give them timely warning. They returned back; but before the morning's sun had risen, they were all slaughtered in cold blood, and by the Indians who had invited them back. Not men only were murdered, but helpless women and tender children. Two children, with the mangled remains of their mother, were thrown to the bottom of a well. The Indians on that sound exceeded the whites as five to two. It was time, certainly, that our citizens should take up arms, and by en

Who were killed by these Indians? The victim of most mark was this Indian agent Bolon. He was killed by the Yakimas, and by the order of Kam i-a-y-kan, though he went there as their agent, loving the Yakimas. He went there, and went alone, unwilling to believe that the reports of their having killed our people were true, and hoping that the results of his investigations would show that no such killing had been done. He was much beloved by the Yakimas, was recognized by them to be their friend, but having resolved on war, they said, (referring to Bolon,) we kill our friends as well as our enemies." He was one of our slaughtered citizens on the grounds of the Yakimas. We had some ten or twelve others there were one or two of my own neighbors; there were two or three from Pierce county, as well as several from the neighboring county of King; men of sobriety, men of character, men who had means at home in the settled portions of the Territory, but who had gone, as our adventurous American peo-ergy and vigor, endeavor to reduce to subjection ple will go, into the wilderness to see whether they could not better their fortunes. They were killed on their way to the mines at Colville. I submit it to the gentlemen of this committee: was it right that the military arm of this Government should be stretched out, when a tribe of Indians, in violation of the plighted faith of treaties, guarantying safe conduct to all whites passing through their country, slaughtered an officer of the Republic, and citizens of the Republic, without cause or provocation?

the Indians engaged in this terrible massacre, and
prevent the other tribes joining them. It was done,
and I have yet to be convinced that it was not done
rightly.

Send me down cartridges at the earliest moment, as it is reported that the Indians are to make an attempt at taking our fort to-night. This is just a report, but I wish to have plenty of ammunition, and I am rather short just at this

time.

With great respect, I have the honor to be, your most
obedient servant,
JOHN NUGEN,
Second Lieutenant Fourth Infantry, Com. Post.

JAMES Tilton,

Adjutant General W. T. Volunteers, Olympia, These letters show the cordial relations between the regular and volunteer service in the Territory, when the difficulties first occurred. Such had been our relations from the first organization of the Territory. Such they continued to be until the veteran commander of the department of the Pacific pronounced the war the act of unprincipled white men-as having been got up as a matter of speculation; denounced authorities and people as Indian exterminators; refused to recognize the necessity of calling out volunteers, and endeavored to ignore them when in the field.

However, this same commander did finally call upon me in March for two companies of volunteers for the defense of Puget Sound, which I refused to respond to for reasons given in full in the official correspondence.

It is a fact well known on that coast to the officers of the Hudson's Bay Company, that the Indians of southern Oregon have always been so hostile that the employés of that company did not dare to trap there. Parties passing through to California never ventured to stop there for a day. I have this from the chief factor of the company, at Vancouver. I need not go over the ground in southern Oregon; for it has been fully occupied by the distinguished Delegate from that Territory.

Here, then, was the origin of this war-a war entirely unprovoked, a war caused by no bad conduct of our people; but caused altogether by the feeling of antagonism between the two races. The Indians there had heard of Indian difficulties on this side of the Rocky Mountains; and it was a combination with them to drive the whites out of the country.

Mr. CURTIS. I wish to say to my friend, at this point, that his country, in respect to this charge of the Indian difficulties having been commenced by the whites, is precisely in the same situation that our whole Indian frontier has been Why, Mr. Chairman, on that sound, so inad- for the last ten years. Whenever there have been equate was the force of regular troops, and in hostilities, there are traders and others who have such imminent danger was the whole community, carried abroad the idea that the first assaults were that a volunteer company-raised for the field-made by the whites. Never mind what atrocities was detained for the defense of Fort Steilacoom, in charge of the regular troops. Lieutenant Nugen, in command at that post, took the responsibility I trust that I have not to pause for a reply. of raising a company of forty men, under CapSuch has been the general policy of the Govern-tain W. H. Wallace, and then wrote the adjutant

have been committed by the Indians, such are the reports circulated. It has been in my experience, and I have no doubt such is the case in Oregon and Washington, that the Indians are always the aggressors.

35TH CONG....1ST SESS.

Washington and Oregon War Claims-Mr. Stevens.

And I accord my testimony to that of the gentleman, that these charges against the white people of the frontier are most unjust. I had no opportunity before to reply to the remarks of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. GARNETT,] who insinuated that all these Indian wars were got up on speculation. I recollect that many years ago Indian wars were quite as common as on the frontier; and I would like the gentleman to say whether, when John Smith had charge of the Virginia colony, he was not provoked by Indian warfare, and had not his calamities with them as we have at this day?

Mr. SMITH, of Virginia. They were not so expensive.

Mr. CURTIS. But they destroyed your colonies. There was nothing but your bones left. Your soil was red with the blood shed in the Indian wars, and the history of the country shows that that has been the character of this warfare. Mr. STEVENS, of Washington. I am greatly obliged to my friend from lowa for the remarks which he has made. I know, myself, that in 1853 I had a strong feeling that there was much of outrage committed by the whites upon the Indians, and that that was the prolific cause of Indian wars. But, as I became acquainted with the frontier population, and as I came to know facts as they were, my mind was changed, and I here declare, on my responsibility, that the charges are utterly unfounded.

followers, had maintained their friendship at the
hazard of their lives, having left the main camp of
their tribe and encamped with the settlers who
remained in the valley. These settlers were
not attacked by Pu-pu-mux-mux and the allied
chiefs, because it could only be done by passing
over the dead bodies of the friendly chiefs. All
these facts I learned before any controversy had
grown up, and before I imagined any controversy
could possibly grow up, in regard to the position
of Pu-pu-mux-mux and the allied tribes and
chiefs.

HO. OF REPS.

officers and twenty-six men are mentioned as haring particularly distinguished themselves. Here are three reports, (holding up the open volume containing them,] one from Colonel Bonneville, a gentleman well known to me; another from Captain Ewell, a friend of my youth, three years with me at the Military Academy, a most gallant and meritorious man; and the third from Colonel Miles, giving all the details of this action. It was not a case simply of soldiership, but of conduct It was not enough that the men were brave, but they must be well managed. It was a case of tactics and strategy, of flanks, and rears, and re

serves.

and twenty-six men are reported for distinction. I speak of it with entire respect. The gallant Scott knew full well that the disparity of force did not make the affair ridiculous."

A gentleman who has made himself conspicuous by his denunciations of the volunteers, and his defense of Pu-pu-mux-mux, has admitted that These reports show that eight companies of the seizure of Fort Walla-Walla was an act of troops-four hundred men-pursued, overtook, hostility; that the appropriating of Government fought, and defeated-how many? Forty warproperty there, and distributing it among the sev-riors. There is your feat of arms made the suberal tribes, was an act of hostility; that the burn-ject of a general order, in which twelve officers ing of the houses of all the settlers in that valley was an act of hostility; but that there was convincing evidence that all these acts of hostility were not the acts of Pu-pu-mux-mux, but the acts of the Yellow Serpent. Now, Pu-pu-mux-mux and the Yellow Serpent are one and the same man. Pu-pu-mux-mux, in the Walla-Walla tongue, Serpent Jaune, in French, and the Yellow Serpent, in English, are the several names of this renowned chief, known to all voyagers and wellinformed men in that country, and well known to myself. And this Indian chief, whether he be called Pu-pu-mux-mux, Serpent Jaune, or the Yellow Serpent, was guilty of the acts of hostility above enumerated, and this, too, by the admission of Pu-pu-mux-mux's defender and apologist. The record evidence is overwhelming and con

early reported by the Indian agent on the ground.
It was testified to by all the settlers of that val-
||ley, and by the factors and employés of the Hud-
son's Bay Company posted at Walla-Walla. And
the record evidence is equally overwhelming and
conclusive that all the charges of Pu-pu-mux-mux
being entrapped by a flag of truce and treacher-
ously killed, are utterly unfounded. The offi-
cers, the Indian agent, and the interpreter, pres-
ent at the first conference-every eye-witness,
and they are men of unimpeachable honor and
integrity, present at his death, agrees as to the cs-

volunteer camp with a flag of truce, and a confer-
ence was held. Colonel Kelly, in command of the
troops, refused to receive him, except as a pris-

oner.

Now, gentlemen, go with me to the distant Territories of Washington and Oregon, and to the plains of the Walla-Walla, where three hundred volunteers fought seven hundred Indians for four days, and defeated them, killing some seventy Indians. Go with me to the Grande Ronde, where the gallant Colonel Shaw, with one hundred and sixty volunteers of Washington, fought three hundred Indians, killing some forty, and striking a great blow upon the hostile Indians. Go with me to the battle of Connell's prairie, on the shores of Puget Sound, where one hundred and sixty volunteers fought two hundred Indians, and defeated them, killing thirty of their number.

This movement of Shaw's was something more than a twelve day's march. Three columns of troops moved simultaneously from the sound, from the Columbia valley, and from the Nez Perces country, meeting at the Walla-Walla, within a single day, and then a vigorous movement with a portion of this force was made across the Blue mountains, a forced march, some sixty miles, in one night and a day, when the enemy was struck and completely routed. The troops from the sound crossed the Cascades, snow still on the mountains, and marched some three hundred miles to the point of rendezvous. Of all these three columns, the arrangements were complete, and the means of transportation ample, the column from the Dalles having in their train fortyfive wagons, carrying not only supplies for the troops, but a large quantity of provisions for the friendly Indians.

Mr. Chairman, in regard to the military operations undertaken in those two Territories, I desire to say a few words. I shall mainly confine my observations to the operations at Walla-Walla, for that is the salient point of the whole business. It is admitted on all sides that there was a war inclusive of Pu-pa-mux-mux's hostility. It was southern Oregon, and on Puget Sound, in the Territory of Washington, and that it became absolutely necessary that the white settlers should organize for defense. But it has been said that the advance of the volunteers upon Walla-Walla, drove the Indians into hostility; that the WallaWalla chief, Pu-pu-mux-mux, was friendly; and that even when the volunteers reached the valley he endeavored to make peace; that he was treacherously slain under the protection of a flag of truce; that the volunteers commenced the attack, and that the Indians resisted simply to get in safety their women and children. The fight of the Walla-sential facts. Pu-pu-mux-mux did approach the Walla was a four days' fight. I was moving at the time from the Spokane to the Nez Perces country. 1 was in the midst of an Indian council with the Nez Perces, making my arrangements with that Pu-pu-mux-mux went to his camp as a tribe to get the services of its warriors, to force prisoner, his object being to gain time in order to my way through the hostile Walla-Wallas, Cay- concentrate the Indian forces; and also by cunuses, and other tribes, under the lead of Pu-pu-ning and management to induce the troops to ocmux-mux, to the settlements, when the news came cupy a position where he could attack them with of that fight. The Indian, who had rode one hun- advantage. On his reaching camp, Colonel Kelly dred miles the previous eighteen hours, told all still refused to receive Pu-pu-mux-mux on any the circumstances of that fight, at one end of the other terms except as a prisoner, and offered to council lodge, to the Indians there assembled, and let him go home. Pu-pu-mux-mux continued it was interpreted to me, sitting in council, at the with the volunteers, receiving from them kind other end. I had previously conferred with the treatment, and, as he stated, sent word to his chiefs of the Nez Perces tribe and with the chiefs people to keep friendly. The volunteers marched on the Spokane, in order to satisfy myself of the towards the Indian camp, Pu-pu-mux-mux acattitude of Pu-pu-mux-mux. I became satisfied companying them, when they were attacked by it was one of unmitigated hostility. Pu-pu-mux-mux's people. In this manner the When I reached the Nez Perces country, the action commenced, and while it was going on the unteers. And I thank God that Florida was near chief Joseph, the third chief of the tribe, an old chief endeavored to make his escape, and was enough to the Federal capital for its Governor man of over seventy years of age, had returned killed whilst furiously attacking his guard. He to come here, post-haste, and to procure the res but a short time from a mission of peace to the was killed while struggling with his guard and ognition of the services of the volunteers of FlorWalla-Walla. He had endeavored to dissuade endeavoring to wrest the gun of his guard from ida by the General Government. Sir, that force Pu-pu-mux-mux from going to war. But Pu-pu- his hands. This action lasted four days, resulted was unquestionably necessary; they fought the mux-mux drove him away with scorn and con- in a complete victory over the Indians, and drove Indians, and now, when they have subdued them, tumely, telling him, "I am the chief here-I am every hostile Indian to the northward of Snake it appears that there were about one hundred and like yonder mountain above other men. I coun- river. Its effect on the Indian mind was prodi- sixty-two Indians there, including women and sel with no man. Go home! Perhaps your own gious, as I personally know from my own inter- children. You sent that force against less than people will listen to you." Joseph then went to course with the Indians of the interior at the very one hundred warriors, and the expenses incurred the Cayuses, and saw their chiefs-the Young time. by the Florida volunteers have been paid, and Chief, the Five Crows, and Camespelo-and in- Mr. Chairman, this movement on the Walla-paid promptly, by this Federal Government. So treated them to continue friendly. They treated Walla, therefore, did protect our frontier. It with New Mexico: the expenses of the volunhim with the same scorn and contumely as did maintained the peace of the interior for the long teers in New Mexico have been paid by the GenPu-pu-mux-mux, the more significant, as he was winter of 1855-56. In this connection I desire to eral Government, and the provision to pay allied to them by blood, being a half Cayuse. refer to the general order emanating from the con- was put in the Army appropriation bill. So in And Joseph went home discouraged and heart- queror of Mexico, Lieutenant General Scott, comthe case of California: Congress made an approbroken. These same facts I had, on reaching the plimenting the valiant officers and men of the priation to pay the Frémont riflemen, and organl Walla-Walla, from the friendly Cayuses and army, who made an expedition of twelve days ized a board of three Army officers to inquire into Walla-Walla chiefs, small in number, who per- against the Apaches of New Mexico. It was an the balance of the claims. The Army officers sisted in their refusal to join the war party. How- expedition of eight companies-four hundred men made an examination, they reported to the Seclishwampo, Tintemitse, and Stickas, of the Cay--moving against one of the nomadic tribes of the uses, and Pierre, of the Walla-Wallas, with their far-famed Apaches. In that general order, twelve for in the retary of War, and at the very next session of

Sir, I say, all honor to the officers and men who conquered the Indians in New Mexico; but I ask the committee also to do like honor to the volun teers of Washington and Oregon, who fought the Indians, always being outnumbered, and sometimes more than two to one. I ask for the people of those Territories the same measure of justice which has been rendered to the people of New Mexico and the people of Florida. There have been Indian difficulties in Florida, and, within two years, you have had twelve companies of regulars there, and at least six companies of vol

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