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35Th Cone...1st Sess.

Admission of Kansas--Mr. Hoard.

Ho. of Reps.

statesman well informed on this subject, that he tution contrary to the well-known wishes of her purpose of presenting the free-State view of the believes that the Lecompton constitution is the people. This, if ever done, will first be done in

questions now agitating the country, as I underwill and voice of the majority of the people of Kansas. Her people have expressed, in every stand it, truthfully and frankly. With little prepKansas ? I speak merely of the question of num. form they can command, their determined op- || aration and less experience, I can only hope, in bers, not of the question of legality, because I position to the Lecompton constitution. A major- a desultory manner, to perform a task which I have disposed of that.

ity of nearly ten thousand of her people tell you regret has not been undertaken by the ablest and Mr. PEYTON. I shall answer your question not to accept it as the fundamental organic law of most experienced member from the free States. fairly and properly.

the State; her Legislature, by a unanimous vote, There is a misapprehension, or else a studied Mr. UNDERWOOD. I know you will. beseeches you not to do so; and even the officers | misrepresentation, of the sentiments and inten

Mr. PEYTON. The remark which I made in elected under the Lecompton constitution itself | tions of the free States, by those who have spoken regard to the nine thousand six hundred votes protest against your so doing:

from the slave States during this discussion; and, was for the purpose of calling my colleague's at- “We, the officers elected under said constitution, do most as I hope that no one desires to add to the present tention to this fact, that out of the ten thousand respectfully and earnestly pray your honorable bodies not to

excitement by misrepresentations, I am persuaded admit Kansas into the Union under said constitution, and two hundred and fifty votes polled on the 4th of thus force upon an unwilling people an organic law against

that they do misapprehend the facts. It is our January, vine thousand six hundred votes were

their erpress will, and in violation of every principle of pop- first duty to endeavor, by frank and full interpolled in registered counties where six thousand ular government."

change of opinions, to ascertain wherein the real votes had been polled in favor of the Lecompton Signed by the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, difference between us exists; and then we can constitution.

Secretary of State, State Treasurer, and Auditor. agree, or differ, as men. To accomplish this, we Mr. UNDERWOOD. I only asked you your Against these solemn and earnest appeals why must lay aside the tricks of politicians, the techopinion, whether you believe the Lecompton con- should we seek to admit her under the Lecomp- | nicalities of law, and the arts of diplomacy, which stitution was the will and voice of the majority ton constitution? Above all, why should the appear to be out of place in adjusting difficulties of the people of Kansas, and whether the votes South seek to admit her? What will we gain by between members of the same family-proprietors in its favor were fraudulent or not?

it? Mr. Chairman, we shall gain a loss. We having a common interest in the welfare and desMr. PEYTON. That is my opinion. I frankly shall set instructions, which, being taught, may tiny of the Government and the country: Certell you now that I do not know who has the ma- return to plague the inventors. This will'inev- tainly, if we could forget our party prejudices for jority. The list received is sufficient to satisfy itably be the case in regard to the new theories a few days, and enter upon the discussion of the me that the contest is a close one, and I have no now inculcated for the ready overthrow of con- questions before us with a desire to come to some idea that the anti-Lecomptonites have such an stitutions, by the unrestrained fiat of majorities. I just conclusions, we could either agree upon some overwhelming majority as they claim.

We show ourselves, perhaps, willing to extend mode of settling present difficulties, and avoiding, Mr. UNDERWOOD. While my friend may our peculiar institution against the will of the ma- in the future, such controversies, or, failing to do thus remain in doubt, the authentic documents jority of those amongst whom we would carry it, that, we could determine not to agree, and come produced before the Congress of the United giving the majority opposed to us, should they

to the resp sibility before us deliberately and States, and which have been heretofore adverted | have power, pretexts for disregarding our right | calmly. These angry debates, these imputations, to by many a speaker, satisfy my mind, and re- and our property. But if these consequences did threats, and recriminations, are neither pleasant move all doubt as to what the will of the people not follow, we gain no foothold for our slaves in nor profitable; and they do not add luster to our of Kansas is in respect to that constitution; and Kapsas, since the advocates of admission under reputation as national legislators, or dignity to the that is, that they are prcëminently against the the Lecompton constitution themselves tell the American Congress. Lecompton constitution,

people there that they may turn slavery out as It cannot be the desire of any friend of the Union Thus stand the facts; and the naked question soon as you get the constitution in. I would have that the action of Congress, on the question before is, shail we admit Kansas into the Union at the the South play no such paltry game. I would re- the country, shall tend to aggravate present diffiinstance and request of two thousand nine hun- | joice to have Kansas a slave State, if she could be culties; and, therefore, a question of this character dred and thirty-seven of her people, or shall we permanently so with the consent of her people. I should not be made a party test, or seuled by a not admit her at the like instance and request of I will not violate the general principles of free party vote. Can the President imagine that any ten thousand two hundred and twenty-six? If government, whereby ihe American people are party has a higher interest in the welfare of the figures could decide it, it seems to me easy of so- authorized to establish their own institutions in country than the people have? Why, then, not lution. If the sublime truths which underlie the their own way, for the paltry advantage of having leave the Representatives free to act and vote as American Republics, whereby majorities govern | Kansas forced into the Union under the Leconip- || they please, responsible only to their constituents in their organic laws, it seems to me the question ton constitution as a slave State for a moment, to for the manner in which they shall discharge this is easy of solution. But we are told that ihe voie be scorned and kicked out instantly thereafter, || high trust? on the 4th of January came too late. Too late and forever.

The people of the free States are opposed to for what? Too late to tell us what the people of But we are told that the admission of Kansas slavery. There may be a few individuals in the Kansas willed ? Certainly not.

under the Lecompton constitution will localize the free Siates that do not concur in the general senBut we are told that it was irregular and rev- slavery excitement and give peace to the country. timent; but it is nevertheless proper to say, that olutionary for them to have expressed their will I believe this to be one of the profoundest de- the people there are opposed to the institution. in any other form, or at any other time, than in lusions that ever presented itself to an intelligent | This opposition is not confined to any political the form and manner directed in the Lecompton mind. Leave a people free to settle their own in- | party, to any class in society, to any sect or de. constitution itself. That is remarkable; for it stitutions, and they cannot long remain excited. nomination. It pervades the whole people, and gives to the Lecompton constitution validity be- Restrain them, and it is the inevitable outbreak of is as universal there as Christianity. The instifore it assumes to possess it-makes it ché law the American heart, North and South and every- tution of slavery is looked upon as a moral, soJefore it is accepted by Congress; and assumes where, to resist you. I believe in my conscience cial, and political evil of great magnitude. It is or the people of a Territory, in their colonial or that to force the Lecompton constitution upon the discussed in its various aspects at the altar, at the lependent condition, the power, whenever they people of Kansas against their consent, expressed | fireside, at the hustings, and on the stump. We see proper, to call a eonvention, to make absolute

in so many forms as I have shown you, will be have abolished it by law; and we look upon that aws, supplanting, by their own mere force, the to sound the tocsin for a wilder and deeper and action as furnishing one of the strongest elements preexisting authority exercised by the Territorial far more pervading popular commotion than any of our prosperity, and as the cause of our more Legislature established by Congress, and without you have ever known. It will not be confined to rapid advancement in wealth and general improvehe consent of Congress. But, again, is not this Kansas; but, rolling from its level plains, it will

We have noticed the advancement of still more remarkable, as coming from those same sweep through the northwestern prairies and the neighboring States, apparently equal in natural Lecomptonites who contend, even after their mountains of New England, until every hamlet advantages; and in no single instance has the State constitution has successfully passed through all and village and town and county will be instinct in which slavery exists kept pace with the States he forms of law, been ratified by the people, and with excitement.

which are free. In schools, in churches, in libraipproved by Congress, that immediately there- On the contrary, do justice to Kansas; do not ries, in manufactures, in roads, in canals, in comvler the people may disregard all its provisions to her what you would not have done to your- merce, in domestic peace and security, in'agriculn regard to its alteration or amendment, and selves; encompass her not with nice technicalities lure and in wealth, (upon soil where the natural :hange, alter, or abolish it at pleasure; and yet, of law; but suffer her people to speak and act their advantages are equal,, the free States uniformly Jefore the constitution is established, while it is will; extend to them, in fact, what you profess to

excel. We believe that slavery degrades labor ret in fieri or the progress of establishment, that extend to all in theory—the right to regulate their wherever it exists; and therefore free laborers ame people can do no act to arrest it.

domestic institutions in their own way-and, my will not live in a slave State, or emigrate to a slave Mr. Chairman, both these propositions cannot life for it, peace will prevail from one end of our Territory. je true, and common sense has but little difficulty || beloved country to the other.

The free States have already twice as much n determining which is true. I have already

population as the slave States, and therefore rehown that there is no such legality in the pro

ADMISSION OF KANSAS.

quire, upon every rule of equity, twice as much eedings which led to the formation of the Lecomp

territory for surplus population as the slave States; on constitution as estops the Congress. Indeed, SPEECH OF HỌN. CHAS. B. HOARD, and in the ordinary course of things must create ir, Congress, in the admission of new States, has

OF NEW YORK,

free States twice as rapidly as you can under the hus far been limited by few rules of legality, tech

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

same rules create slave States. In addition to ucality, or form. It has acted upon the various

this, the interests of all foreign emigration go with ases according to the facts which attended them,

March 30, 1858.

the free States, which, added to the migration ver carrying out the will of the people of the new The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the of free-State men from the slave States, would State, however expressed or however ascertained.

probably require, on terms of perfect equity, three )ne thing the Congress has never done, and that Mr. HOARD said:

fourths of the territory, or three free States, to s to admit a State into the Union under a consti. Mr. CHAIRMAN: I have sought the floor for the li one slave State. With what propriety, then, or

NEW SERIES-No. 18.

ment.

state of the Union

in vain.

35Th Cong....1st Sess.
Admission of Kansas-Mr. Hoard.

Ho. of Reps. with what show of fair intention to adhere to the ING THUNDER, manifest his attention to things of this world." stances under which I inherited them, and the obstacles principle of equality of rights, can you ask to keep

-Notes on l'irginia.

thrown in the way by the laws of the land, have prevented

“ The sentiments breathed through the whole do honor my emancipating them in my lifetime, which it is toyful pace with the free States in political power, or in both to the head and the heart of the writer. Mine, on the intention to do, in case I can accomplish it.”—Randolph's representation in any departinent of the Govern

subject of the slavery of negroes, have long since been in Will. ment? If you desire to keep a perpetual balance possession of the public, and time has only served to give

Opinion of Thomas J. Randolph. them stronger root. of power between liberty and slavery, that would

The love of justice and the love of

“The gentleman has appealed to the Christian religion in country plead equally the cause of these people, and it is a bei denial of equality of popular righis, and would

justification of slavery. I would ask him upon what part inoral reproach to us that they should have pleaded so long of those pure doctrines does he rely; to which of those sube place northern freemen in an interior position to

Nursed and educated in the daily habit of seeing

lime precepts does he advert to sustain his position? Is it southern freemen. If you expect the free States to the degraded condition of those unfortunate beings, but not

that which teaches justice, charity, and good will to all, or consent to such a proposition, you will certainly be reflecting that that degradation was very much the work of

is it that which teaches that you do unto others as you themselres and their fathers, few minds have yet doubted disappointed. The demand would be offensive,

would they should do unto you: »–Speech in the l'irginia but that they were aslegitimate subjects of property as their

Legislature. and compliance with it would be humiliating. The horses or cattle !"

" i had always

Opinion of Governor Randolph, of Virginia. idea of a balance of power between opposite in- | hoped that the younger generation, receiving their early innterests like liberty and slavery, to promote peace

pressions after the flame of liberty had been kinulled in every “ We have been far outstripped by Slates to whom nature

breast, and had become, as it were, the rital spirit of crery has been far less bountiful. It is painful to consider what and quiet, is clearly delusive. It would perpet American, would have sympathized with oppression where. might have been, under other circumstances, the amount uate the discord which has existed ever since the ever found, and proveli their love of liberty beyond their of general wealth in Virginia."-Address to the Legislature slave Slates entered upon that policy, and it would

oun share of it. Your solitary but telconre voice is the of Virginia, 1820.

first which has brought this sound to my ear; yet the hour terminate in open hostility. Formerly, you only of emancipation is advancing in the mirch of time. The

Opinion of Mr. Brodnar, asked to be let alone in the States-you demanded enterprise is for the young-for those who can follow it up

« That slavery in Virginia an evil. it would be more “State rights.” More than this you cannot justly and bear it through to its consummation. It shall hare my

than idle for any buman being to doubl or deny. It is a milexpect; less than this, you could not with honor prayers; and these are the only weapons of an old man.

dew which has blighted every region it has touched from the -Leller to Edward Cole, Esq.

creation of the world. Illustrations from the history of other submit to. Upon that ground you are impregnable; on any other, you will be overthrown.

No one can doubt that Jefferson, in the pre

countries, and other times, might be instructive; but we

have evidence nearer at hoine, in the short bistories of the If our opinions on the subject of slavery are

ceding opinions, referred to African slavery, how different States of this great Confederacy, which are imwrong, we answer that your best men have been ever anxious men of this day are to controvert pressive in thcir admonitions and conclusive in their cbarour teachers; and I beg leave here to call your that opinion.

acter."-Speech in the Virginia Legislature, 1832. Opinion of Patrick llenry.

Opinion of Mr. Custis. attention to some of their opinions, in connection with other authorities, that you may the better

“Would any one believe that I ain master of slaves, of

« The prosperity and aggrandizement of a State is to be my orn purchase! I am drawn along by the generalincon

seen in its increase of inhabitants, and consequent progress understand how inbred the sentimentis, and how venience of living here without them. I WILL NOT, I CAN

in industry and wealth. Olihe vast tide olemigration which hopeless the effort must be to remove or change NOT JUSTIFY IT. However culpable my conduct, I will so

now rushes like a cataract to the West, not even a trickling it, by any of the means thus far resorted to. It far pay iny devoir to virtue as to own ihe excellence and

rill winds its way to the ancient dominion. Of the multiis, I know, deeply regretted by all in the free rectitude of her precepts, and lament iny want of conformity

tude of foreigners who daily seek an asylum and house in to them. I believe a time will come when an opportunity

the empire of liberty, how many turn their steps to the reSiates, that this cause of difference and ditiiculty will be offered to abolish this lamentable eril. Letus trans

gion of the slave? None. No, not one. There is a maexists to disturb the harmony and happiness of mit to our descendants, together with our slaves, a pity for

Taria in the atmosphere of these regions which the new the country; and if any of you really believe that their unhappy fol, AND OUR ABHORRENCE FOR SLAVERY !" comer shuns, as poisonous to his viewsand habits. See the - Letter to Robert Pleasants.

wide ruin whicit the avarice of our ancestral Government this excitement and ill feeling is congenial to us

has produced in the South, as witressed in a sparse popu. that we cherish, and desire to continue it-you Who,of Patrick Henry's descendants, have this tation of freemen, deserted habitations, and field: wuhout do us great injustice. But to the testimony: inheritance ?

culture. Strange to tell, eren the wolf, driren back long Opinion of James Monroe.

since by the approach of man, now returns, after a lapse of Opinions of Washington. « We have found that this evil (slavery) has preyed upon

a hundred years, to howl over the desolations of slavery." "I hope it will not be conceived from these observations the very ritals of the Union; and lias been prejudicial in all

Opinion of Mr. Faulkner.

29 that it is my wish to hold the unbappy people who are the the States in which it has existed.”_Speech in Virginiu "I am gratified to perceive that no gentleman has yet subject or this letter, in slavery. I can only say, that there Convention.

risen in this Hall the avowed advocate of slavery. If there be is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than I do, lo

Opinion of William Pinkney.

one who concurs with the gentleman from Brunswick (Mr. see some plan adopted for the abolition of it; but there is

"Sir, iniquitous, and most dishonorable to Maryland, is

Gholson) in the harmless character of this institution, let me only one proper and effectual method by which it can be that dreary system of partial bondage which her laws have

request him to compare the condition of the slaveholding accomplished, and that is, by the legislative authority; and bitherto supported with a solicitude worthy of a better ob

portion of this Commonwealth-barren, desolate, and seared this, as far as my sufi'rage will go, shall not be wanting.”ject, and her citizens by their practice continued.

as it were by the avenging hand of Heaven, with the deLetter to Robert Morris.

* Founded in a disgraceful trajic, its continuance is as

scriptions which we have of this same country from those “ The benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, is so SHAMELESs as ils origin.

who first broke its virgin soil. To what is this change asconspicuous on all occasions, that I never wouder al fresh

* ETERNAL INFAMY awaits the abandoned miscreants

cribable? Alone to the withering and blasting effects of slaproois of it; but your late purchase of an estate in the colwhose selfish souls could ever prompt them to rob unhappy

t'ery If this does not satisfy him, let me request him to ony of Cayenne, with a view of emancipating the slares, is a Airica of ler sons, and freight them bither by thousands, to

extend his travels to the northern States of this Union, and generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a like spirit might difl'use itself generally into the inind of poison the fair EDEN OF LIBERTY with the rank weed of

peg hiin to contrast the happiness and contentment which BONDAGE!

prevail throughout the country; the busy and cheerful sound the people of this country! But I despair of seeing it. Some "But wherefore should we coufine the edge of censure to

of industry; the rapid and swelling growili of their popula. petitions were presented to the Assembly at its last session our ancestors, or those from whom they purchased? Are

tion; the means and institutions of education; their skill for the abolition of slavery: but they could scarcely obtain not we EQUALLY guilty? They strewed around the sceds of

and proficiency iu the useful arts; their enterprise and puba liearing."--Letter to La Fayelte. slavery; we cherisi and sustain the growth. Yes, let it be

lic spirit; the monuments of their manufacturing and com“I never mean, unless some particular circumstance handed down to posterity that the people of Maryland, who

mercial industry; and above all, their devoted attachmen! to should compeline to it, to possess another slave by pur could fly to aris with the promptitude of Roman citizens,

the Government from which they derive their proteklon; chase, it being among my first wishes to see some plan when the hand of oppression was lifted against illemselves;

with the division, discontent, indolence, and poverty of the adopted! which slavery in this country may be abolished

southern wbo could behold their country desolated, and the citizens

untry.by law.”Letter to J. F. Mercer.

slaughtered; who could brave, with unshaken firmness, Such were the opinions of some of the wisest,
Opinions of Jefferson.

every calamity of war before they would submit to the
smallest infringement of their rights--that this very people

purest, and most experienced southern statesmen
"And with what execration should the statesman be load-
could yet sce thousands of their fellow-crentures, within

and patriots, whose disciples we profess to be, on ed who, permitting one half of the citizens thus to trample

the limits of their own territory, bending beneath an unnat the subject of slavery. I had collected, for inseron the rights of the other, transforms these into despois, and ural yoke. those into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part, and

tion here, numerous other extracts, of similar

" For shame, sir: let us throw off the mask; it is a cnbthe love of country of the other. For if a slave can have a web one at best, and the world will see through it. It will

tenor, from other southern gentlemen, which time country in this world, it must be any other in preference to not do thus to talk like philosophers, and act like UNRE

and space both seem to forbid. I had also collected that in which he is born to live and labor for another; in

LENTING TYRANTS; to be perpetually sermonizing, with lib numerous texts from the Bible in support of the which he inust lock up the faculties of his nature, contrib erty for our text, and actual oppression for our commentary! ute, as far as depends on his individual endeavors, to the

free-State sentiment, in reply to quotations that liere nave emigranis from a land of tyranny found an asylum evanishment of the human race, or entail his own miserable

have been made here to support slavery; but ? from persecution; and here, also, have those who come as condition on the endless generations proceeding from him."

rightfully free as the winds of heaven, found an eternal will content myself with simple reference to them. * And can the liberties of a nation be i thought secure when we have removed their only firın basis grave for the liberties of themselves an-l their posterity! Leviticus, xxiv., 22. Deuteronomy, xxi., 15

, “In the name of God, should we not attempt to wipe away --a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties

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manner, and still prefer to remain in your bonds,

16. Psalms, ix., 18; x., 2; xii., 5, 6; lxxii., 4. this stigma! Survey the countries, sir, where the hand of are the gift of Gorl; that they are not to be violated but with fredom conducts the plowshare, and compare their prod

Isaiah, i., 15; v., 20; lviii., 6. Proverbs, iii., 3; his urath. Indeel, I tremble for my country when I reflect uce with yours; your granaries, in this view, appear like xiv., 31; xxii., 22, 23. Jeremiah, xxxiv., 16, 17. that GOD IS JUST; that his justice cannot sLEEP FOREVER; the storehouse of emmets, though not supplied with equal Matthew, vii., 2, 12. Luke, X., 36, 37. Acts

, that, considering numbers, nature, and natural ineans only, industry. The cause and the effect are too obvious to escape a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of sit observation."-Speech in Maryland House of Delegates.

xvii., 26. Hebrews, xiii., 3. Galatians, v., 14, 15, uation is among possible events; that it may become prob

Opinion of John Randolph.

Ephesians, vi., 9. 1 Timothy, vi., 10. Rerelaable BY SUPERNATURALINTERFERENCE! The Almighty has

“ Dissipation, as well as power or prosperity, hardens the

tions, xiii., 10. no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest. "What an incomprehensible machine is man? Who can heart; but avarice deadens it to every feeling but the thirst

The foregoing statements, opinions, and aufor riches. Avarice alone could have produced the slave endure toil, famine, stripes, imprisonment, and even death

thorities, have fully convinced us of the correci

: itsell, in vindication of his own liberty, and the next mo.

trade. Avarice alone can drive, and does drive, this infernal
traffic, and the wretched victims of it, like so many post-

ness of our ideas as to the character and indu-
ment be deat' to all those motives whose power supported
ham through his trial, and inflict on his fellow man a bond horses, whipped to death in a mail coach. Ambition has its

ences of slavery, and of our course in abolishing age, one hour of which is fraught with more misery than ages

it. If you have turned a deaf ear to these teachrious war; but where are'une tropilies or a varice of the ings and warnings of our Washingtons, our Jeeof that which he rose in rebellion to oppose? But we must wait with patience the workings of an overruling Provin handcuff, the marnacle, and blood-stained cowhide !"-Soulh fersons,our Henrys, our Franklins, dence, and hope that that is preparing the deliverance of ern Literary Messenger. When the measure of their “ Virginia is so impoverished by the system of slavery,

our Pinkneys, our Randolphs, these, our suffering brethen. tears shall be full-[Has not the Supreme Court, in declar. that the tables will sooner or later be turned, and the slaves

Faulkners, and many others who spoke in like will advertise for runaway masters." ing that these persons have no riglits, filled that measure to overflowing?] when their tears shall have involved heaven “ Sir, I neither envy the head nor the heart of that man itselt in darkness, (what ray of hope remains to those peofrom the North who rises here to defend slavery upon prin

whilst we have profited by their teachings, and ple, since the ministers of justi.e have solemnly declared ciple."--Rebuke of Eluard Everett in Congress.

present to you continually the living evidence of inat tey have no rights?] doubtless a God of justice will ** I give to my slaves their frecdom, to which my con

ihe wisdom of those patriots, we can only regret
awaken to their distress, and by diffusing light and liberality science tells me they are justly entitled.' It has a long time
anong their oppressors, or, at length, by his EXTERMINAT. been a matter of the deepest regret te me that the circum-

your determination, and hope that time will work
out a change of opinion. Virginia had a posi•

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tion in advance of any of the States that are free, their opinion to the settlement of a troublesome in the broken and chivered, yet still illustrious, with a better soil and climate, and yet she has question.

Senator, who, believing that vengeance belongeth larged behind in the march of prosperity. To Your speakers here always characterize slavery to the Lord, who would repay it, has not returned what influence can you attribute your relative as an institution of negro labor and servitude only. I, evil for evil! decadence, but to slavery? To our action upon Can you defend its other features, or explain why Much has been said this session about Kansas, that subject we attribute our greater prosperity. the slave States do not endeavor to correct the evils and many seem to think that in the settlement of It was consistent with the doctrines of our Dec- that are connected with it, that wound so deeply | that question is centered the destiny not only of laration of Independence. Heaven smiled upon our sympathies? As “negroes of pure African | parties, but of the country. I do not desire to deus, and we have pursued our prosperous way re- blood, whose ancestors were brought here and sold tract from the importance of questions connected joicing.

as slaves,”are the only persons whom the Supreme | with the admission of Kansas, but I do that Now, with these opinions of the blighting effects Court, in their opinion, have decided to have no that is not the great question before the country, of slavery upon the material prosperity of any rights that white men are bound to respect, pray nor can its settlement, in the manner recommended State or Territory which maintains it, and espe- tell us where you find authority to say that cer- by the Administration, possibly produce that peace cially in a climate where free white labor seeks tain females, who are advertised as having blue to the country which all patriots so devoutly pray employment, and our conviction of its moral and eyes, light, straight hair, and fair complexions, for. Nay, sir, it would not only fail to produce social wrong, can you expect us to approve of have no rights that white men are bound to re- peace, but it certainly would be a sword drawn its extension-nay, to aid such extension, by our spect? Or, if you admit that such persons have against peace. votes and action? Can an evil be extended into rights, what are they, and why do not your Chris- This whole Kansas question is one of a serice our Territories, and the majority not be morally | tian societies and your laws protect them? Can of acts all tending to the same end, and whicli, responsible for action or inaction? If you believe you justify the practice of treating such persons when taken as a whole, are of sufficient magnitude us sincere in our opposition to slavery, then can as you would an African of pure blood Have to engage the attention of Congress and the counyou respect us if we do not on all proper occa- you made any efforts, or expressed any desire to try, not for a few weeks only, but for months, and sions, maintain that opposition? Change places regard their rights as superior to the rights of per- years even, if thereby we can come to a just conwith us, and woulů you be more tolerant than we sons of pure African blood ?

clusion, and an amicable adjustment of difficulties. have been? If you believed of slavery, as we do, You have told us often in debate—and the same Step by step the country has been, for many that it blights the land that is touched by it; that declaration is commonly used in defense of sla- years, approaching the present point of acknowlit retards development and civilization; that it is very—that slavery is a boon to the negro, and edged danger, and each one (as in this instance) au evil and a wrong; then would you consent to that our sympathies are entirely misdirected. In has been urged upon us as the one that would its extension where you had the constitutional answering this, we ask you to explain to us why, || bring to us our long-lost but ardently desired pubpower to prevent it?

then, you grant a slave his freedom as a reward lic quict. Thus far, however, each step taken in With regard to slavery in the States, we have for extraordinary services ? Is this the way that that hope, instead of producing the promised no difficulty; and the slave-States need entertain you testify your gratitude? If you believed that quiet, has only served as an apology for the next, no fears of any free-State interference. There slavery was a boon to the African, would you still less satisfactory, demand. Whatever might never was any danger of any such intervention. take it from him under pretense of granting him have been the result of the longer continuance of The citizens of the free-States, with few and un- a favor? Pretending to testify your gratitude, the Missouri compromise, we know not; but this important exceptions, can find in the Constitution would you give these unfortunate persons a scor- we do know, that the present Kansas controversy, suificient authority to relieve them from any re- pion instead of a fish? nay, would you give them with its long and aggravating story of frauds and sponsibility for slavery in the States. We regret a scorpion in exchange for a fish? How often do wrongs, has grown out of the act repealing that the infatuation with which you cling to the incu- we read of slaveholders, in making their last will compromise. had been kept for more than a bus that prevents your advancement, because we and testament, when the vanities of time and the third of a century, and its only remaining effect, desire your highest prosperity; but we have no realities of eternity are presented to them, grant- | in favor of the free States, was confined to the desire to in termeddle with your prerogatives. ing freedom to their slaves, with expressions of Kansas and Nebraska Territories. If let alone,

But, in the Territories, the case is, in our opin- || regret that they had ever held them? This is a in a very few years its influence in their favor ion, entirely different. The Territories being the strange commentary upon the sincerity of such would have ceased by its own limitation, and just common property of the States, must necessarily as hold that slavery is a boon. If slavehold- the same practical result would have followed in be under the rightful control of Congress, unless ers believed that slavery was really a boon, they | Kansas and Nebraska, as all now concede, must the power is delegated by it to some other au- would devote their property-if they desired to follow the triumph of the popular will in those thority. It is known of all men that such was the testify their interest in the welfare of the negro- | Territories. This result was foreseen and accommon opinion of all sections and parties until to bringing them from Africa to be blessed with knowledged by southern statesmen who sup. very recently, and that the Government long prac- || servitude! Has any charitable southron done this? | ported that measure. ticed upon it with the concurrence of all the de- | This suggests another defense of African slavery, What then, thus far, has been the fruit of that partments, and without any protest from any State | urged mainly by professing Christians: that it is act which was to settle all controversy in Congress in the Union. We are loyal to the Constitution as one of God's appointed means of Christianizing about slavery? Nothing but a wider and wilder we understand it; and we certainly do understand the heathen. This appears very plausible; but, alienation of feeling between the two sections of it as it was understood and practiced upon by I desire to inquire, how many Christian genera- || the country, growing out of the new feature inall the early Presidents and statesmen, including tions of an individual heathen ought to be held in volving the right of the people to govern themmany who participated in making the Constitu- | bondage to compensate for Christianizing their selves, which has been developed in the Kansas ion. The contradictory opinions of statesmen, ancestor?

struggle; leaving slavery in the Territory just and of the Supreme Court, are all of late date, and A few years ago your public men, your Chris- where it would have been had the Missouri comhave an unquestionable partisan (if not sectional) tians, and your press, spoke of this institution as promise remained in force. We have found out, origin and character. That they may be consid- an evil, for the introduction of which you were to be sure, how, when the Congress commits to red just and correct by the South, which desired not responsible, and which you desired to remove, the people of the Territories the right to govern hem beforehand, I can well imagine; but at the as soon as some judicious and practicable method themselves, the Executive can use the Army and same time they carry no conviction to the free of doing so could be suggested, and matvred. the judiciary, in addition to his other powers, to States.

But now you defend it as the core of your heart, oppress and subjugate them. We have found out If the opinion of the court had preceded the po- | the apple of your eye, the very foundation, (in that, when Congress abdicates its power in behalf itical necessity which seemed to demand it, and your own expressive language, the “ mud-sill"'*) of the people, a faithless President can seize it iad been given upon a case requiring that point to of your political and social existence! But whilst with the grasp of a despot, and wield it with the ve decided, instead of being volunteered, (just at to you this institution has of late become the ob- heart of a tyrant. We have weighed the strength, i time when party necessity required it,) then theject of so much solicitude, the theme of so much and measured the will and the power, of the conree States, if they could not have concurred in moral, religious, and patriotic devotion; experi- tending interests. We have learned that the comhe opinion, might have respected the court. This ence, which we regard as the best of teachers, has promise was useless to us; you have found its res one of the very worst features of the whole ques- been impressing more and more indelibly upon peal to be ashes to you. ion, because,when the court ceases to be respected our mind, the wisdom of the early patriots in But this measure was alleged to be necessary to y the people, it is thenceforth powerless for good their efforts to limit and circumscribe it; and also secure perfect tranquillity, and complete the circle s well as for evil. To aid a political party, they || the propriety and justice of the following impres- of compromises of 1850, which, it was then dissave thrown their official reputation into the party | sive language of the immortal Jefferson, whose covered, were quite incompatible with the old one cales, where it has not the weight of a feather, teachings, as a lamp to our path, have always of 1820. Its repeal was to secure perfect peace, nd thereby lost the confidence and respect of a served to guide republicans in the way of politi- and “save the Union"-objects of great importarge proportion of the people. cal duty:

ance then-which the compromise measures of Plausible and satisfactory as that opinion of the “ There must doubtless be an unhappy influence on the 1850 had not quite accomplished. Now, no one ourt is to you, can you reasonably expect us, manners of our people, produced by the existence of slavery here can have forgotten that the compromises of nder the circumstances, to regard it with favor,

among us. The whole commerce between the master and r treat it with respect? slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous pas

1850 were also inaugurated and passed to “ save It is opposed to long-sions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and

the Union,” restore peace to the country, and stablished ideas, which the same court, with degrading submission on the other. Our CHILDREN SEE put forever at rest the slavery agitation; great ll other departments of the Government, have THIS, AND LEARN TO IMITATE it. The man must be a prod

measures which the annexation of Texas, and the racticed upon ever since our national existence.

igy, who can retain his MANNERS AND MORALS UNDEPRAVED
by such circumstances.”_ Notes on Virginia.

acquisition of Mexican territory, had unexpecthe opinion was not concurred in by the whole ourt; and, as it was not called for by the case Sir, what a commentary upon the institution edly failed to complete.

This brings us to a very interesting inquiry resented, it is certainly obnoxious to the suspis | what a painful proof of its correctness is furnished || about the object of the annexation of Texas. The ion that the judges forgot their judicial dignity

agitation which grew out of questions connected nd duty in a desire to contribute the weight of

* Senator HAMMOND's specch on Eansas.

with the admission of Missouri in 1820 had sub

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sided. The compromise line of 36° 30' as the line A balance of power appears to have been a ruling could vote for or against Governor until he voted north of which slavery should not exist, estab idea with the slave States for the last fifteen or in favor of polygamy: would you call that a fair lished by the South against the North, (I speak twenty years,

election of Governor? How, then, can you call of the sections as a whole,) settled the question The foregoing facts settle, beyond any question, it a fair submission, even of the question of sla. of slavery in all the territory then owned by the the following propositions: that the agitation about

very, in Kansas? Government. There was trifling agitation on the slavery in the States could not have seriously dis As far back as 1844, when it was determined general subject of slavery, and some impatience turbed the quiet of the country; that no agitation

that the Democratic party should be transformed was felt by religious societies at the tardiness of could have grown out of that question in the Ter- into a pro-slavery agency, the national conven. their southern brethren in urging upon their peo- | ritories then belonging to the Government, be- ; tion of that party adopted an anti-republican rule ple the sinful nature of the institution. But this cause it was all provided for by laws that were ' of party government, giving to the minority the was always confined to a few persons in the free then regarded as permanent; that no such con

control of the nomination of candidates for Presi. States, known there as Abolitionists, and never troversy could have existed without the acquisi- dent and Vice President. Without the establishhaving political power sufficient to disturb the tion of new territory; and that the South, and ment of such minority rules, Mr. Van Buren, most sensitive southern nerves. All parties in the not the North, desired the annexation of Texas, whose friends numbered a respectable majority free States were then, as they are now, and have and the acquisition of Mexican territory: The in that convention, would have been nominated, at all times been, the firm and consistent advo- South, in carrying out the policy avowed by Mr. and the Texas scheme for the aggrandizement of cates of the political right of the States in which Calhoun for promoting southern interests, has the slave power, would have failed. From that slavery exists, to continue or abolish it as and brought this contest upon the country, and she time to this, the tendency of that party to secwhen they please. must bear the responsibility and abide the con

tionalism has been constant; its strength in the Without the acquisition, then, of new territo sequences.

slave States steadily increasing; and its decadenca ries, or the abrogation of the ordinance of 1787 or Having thus traced back this sectional agitation in the free States equally steady and uniform. ihe compromise of 1820, it must be apparent that which now “ crops out" in Kansas to its origin

There is another bit of history connected with no aliment for slavery excitement existed, except in the acquisition of territory by southern action this Texas question which I must mention in pass. that of a moral nature, which exists in all the

to strengthen and aggrandize the slave power, and | ing. I find, in Benton's Thirty Years' View, vol. slave States, as well as in the free States, and having shown the foundation, extent, and sincer- || 2, p. 584, the following: which we have no political power to restrain. ity of the anti-slavery sentiment of the free States, “ Mr. Gilmer then explained to his friend the purpose for Now, who sought the annexation of Texas, I come to speak of the misapprehension, or mis

which this letter bad been written and sent to General Jackand for what purpose was it desired? This was

son, and the use that was intended to be made of his answer, representation, by the South of the true ground

(if favorable to the design of the authors,) which use was the beginning of ihe present agitation, which has of difficulty between the two sections. Slavery, this: it was to be produced in the nominating convention increased in volume and bitterness from that time | although it is connected with the controversy, is to overthrow Mr. Van Buren and give Mr. Calhoun the till this. That was the first act of the series, with not really the cause of our present difficulty. The

nomination, both of whom were to be interrogated before. out which there could have been no sectional ex contest is now fully shown to be broader, deeper,

hand; and it was well known what the answer would be

Calhoun for, and Van Buren against, IMMMEDIATE ANNEScitement, because the slavery question was sel and infinitely higher than the abstract question of ATION_ind Jackson's answer coinciding with Calhoun's, tled in all the Territories by laws which were negro slavery. The entire discussion during this would turn the scale in luis favor' and blow l'an Buren sky. regarded as irrepealable by all parties. session of Congress on the part of the South, so

high.'" I shall be able to show that Texas was annexed far as I have listened or read, has been pred Mr. Van Buren, sure enough, was blown "skyfor the purpose, and with the avowed intention on icated upon the idea that the only opposition to high;" but Mr. Calhoun gol no higher than Secthe part of Mr. Calhoun, who was then Secretary the Kansas policy of the Administration was based

retary of State. of State, of strengthening and aggrandizing the upon enmity to the institution of slavery. Noth It was supposed, nearly up to the time for the slave States. And the act of annexation was done ing could be more fallacious, Can the South be assembling of the Democratic national convention in a manner calculated to produce a war with so infatuated as to believe that Governor Wise, for 1844, that Martin Van Buren would be the Mexico, which it was known must result in the Governor Walker, Secretary Stanton, Senators Democratic nominee against Mr. Clay, who was acquisition of more territory.

Bell, Crittenden, and Douglas, and twenty or to be, and was, the opposing candidate. Both of I extract the following from the official corre thirty Representatives in the House, who, but a these gentlemen were interrogated upon the quesspondence between Mr. Calhoun, Secretary of few days since, were acting with the Democracy tion of the annexation of Texas, and both stood State for the United States, and the British Min

-can they really believe that all these, and scores upon the ground that General Jackson had preister, Mr. Crampton, as germane to this subject of thousands of Democrats who cast their votes viously occupied in relation to the same question, ---(Sepate Ex. Doc., 1843–44, vol. 5, No. 341, for Mr. Buchanan at the last election, have sud namely, that it would be unjust toward Mexico pages 50–51:)

denly become the enemies of the Democratic party to annex a portion of territory which she claimed, Mr. Calhoun's Letler, Aprit 18, 1844.

on account of its support of slavery? I tell you (war then existed between Texas and Mexico,) “It is with still deeper concern the President (Mr. Tyler) | nay, sir. But the oppositicit to that party has grown without her consent. regards the avowal of Lord Aberdeen, of the desire of Great

out of the COURSE which it has resorted to, and the Under General Jackson's administration it was Britain to get slavery abolished in Texas, and, is he infers, is endeavoring, through her diplomacy, to accomplislı it, by

MEANS which it has put in requisition to carry the good Democracy to keep national faith with a sis. making the abolition of slavery one of the conditions on country from its high position as a liberty-loving ter Republic. But when Texas was to be acquired which Mexico should acknowledge her independence.and liberty-defending Republic, as established by for the purpose before stated, presto! Democracy "Under this conviction, it is felt to be the

our revolutionary fathers, to a PRO-SLAVERY OLIimperious duty of the Federal Government, the common

consists in the disregard of national faith, and representative and protector of the States of the Union, to

GARCHY! Since this last excitement commenced, demands annexation, in spite of Mexico, and adopt, in uf-defense, the most effectual ineasures to defeat an organized, disciplined, and politic minority has with war into the bargain. What constituted true

The geographical position of undertaken to wrest the government from the pos Democracy in General Jackson was, therefore, Texag would expose the weakest, and most vulnerable por session of the MAJORITY, for the purpose of eletion of our frontier to inroads, and place in the power of

heresy in Mr. Van Buren, and caused his defeat Great Brithin the inost efficient means of effecting in the

vating a sectional institution which is at war with as presidential candidate. The "tack" was 80 neighboring states of the Union what she avows to be her the rights, the dignity, and the material interests sudden, too, sir, that even one who had been desire to do in all countries where slavery exists."

of that MAJORITY. Here, sir, lies the grave error. Commander-in-Chief could not change front quick “Acting in obedience to this obligation, on which

The path of minorities to power is always bois- | enough to save himself. our Federal system of Government rests, the President directs me to inform you that a treaty has been concluded be

terous, and beset with dangers. The cominotion In these days we have just a parallel case. The tween the United States and Texas, for the annexation of attending the progress of events, in such transfer Senator from Illinois, but yesterday, was at the the latter to the former, 13 a part of its territory, which will of power, will be fierce, and the danger imminent, head of the Democracy, as the author of popular be submitted without delay to the Senate for its approval. when the rights of a free, intelligent, and chival sovereignty. To-day, for holding the same doe; This step has been taken as the most effectual, if not the only MEANS OF GUARDING AGAINST THE TUREATENED DANGER,

it."

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rous people are thus attacked. Since this ex trine, the Democracy cry out—"Crucify him!” and securing their permanent peace and welfare."

citement commenced, this minority has been goy " CRUCIFY HIM!" Letter from same to same, dated April 27, 1844, page 66. erning the majority in this country by political Mr. Jefferson taught that Democracy was “It was not possible for the President to hear with indir

principle by which all political measures should ference, the avowal of a policy so hostile in iis character, It is this startling truth, breaking upon the pub- Le tried and judged. But modern Democracy sels and dangerous in its tendency to the domestic institutions of

lic mind, that is alarming, arousing, and uniling the $0 incity of the States of this Union, and to the safety and

up executive measures, as the test of political prosperity of the whole,

people for the reussertion of POPULAR RIGHTS! And fidelity, and requires principles to be held in re“The measure (the annexation of Texas) was adopted neither party, nor patronage, nor courts, nor techni- spectful abeyance. No familiarity with Demowith the mulual consent, and for the mutual and permanent calities, nor stratagems, will dirert or deter them from cratic principles can guide aright, nor any fidelity welfare of the two countries interested. It was inade neces

tbeir high purpose, sary, in order to preserve domestic institutions placed unler

With the facts before us, we cannot imagine duty.

to them keep any one in the way of modern party the guarantee of their respective constitutions, and deemed essential to their safety and prosperity."

why it is that the South are constantly charging In this connexion, I will also read an extract the North as the authors of the excitement, when

A great majority of the electors in the free States from the Mobile Mercantile Advertiser of about the free States have resisted the measures upon Republicans-yes, Democrats—in habitand seats

are interested in the rights of labor. They are 1836, (date is not given, but the extract was pub- 1 which the contest is based. You habitually chargement, intelligent, honest, but confiding almost to lished in the East in 1837:)

“The South wishes to have. Texas admitted into the ways rests upon some speciality or technicality, like broughe the present perils upon the country could
Union for two reasons: first, to equalize the South with the
North; and, secondly, as a convenient and safe place cal favor of Brigham Young for Governor, and will spected than the Democracy. it was a "time
culated, from its peculiarly good soil and salubrious climate,
for a slave population. Interest and political safety both support polygamy, will say, ay: All that are op honored,” almost a sacred name. Beelzebub, no!
alike prompt the action, and enforce the argument. The posed 10 Brigham Young, and will support polyg. ll in his own hateful name, it is said, but as an are
South contends that preservation and justice to themselves
call for that aid to be tendered to them which would be given had'the right to elect their Governor, and should the wellare and happiness of mankind. So in this
by the acquisition of Texas. They are not safe without it;
TIEY ARE NOT BALANCED WITH THE FREE STATES." present the question as above, so that no one

case, faithless prelenders, in the name of Democ

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racy, have crucified Democracy! Under no other most instructive. I have not had the opportunity sundries—things that it is not easy to name,) in name could the people have been so enthralled, to examine the items which constitute either ac- four years, than all the Presidents down to 1846. and their rights so betrayed.

count, but presume they are the same class as have In a single year of his term he spent for miscellanies The true Democratic party listened to the peti- | always been placed to these same accounts. almost twice as much as Mr. Van Buren spent tions of the people, and protected their rights; but

Table of expenditures, excluding Foreign Inter- | during his whole term. this false Democracy has only leaden ears for

conrse," " Pensions," "Indian Depurtment,and

Since the transfer of the Democracy in 1844 to their petitions, and calls the attempt to assert Public Debt."

Mr. Calhoun's sectional minority policy, whichi their rights rebellion, and crushes them out with

is only thirteen years, the miscellaneous expenses the American Army! The true Democracy was

Miscella

have exceeded ihe amount charged to the same economical of the people's money; but this false

Date. Population. Aggregate. Civil list.

account from 1789 up to that date, by the enorDemocracy is profligate, beyond example; and

mous sum of $48,000,000. Yes, sir, during the depends for success upon sectional favor, and the

1800....

5,305,925 6.951.919 748.688 193.636 last thirteen years our miscellaneous expensescorrupting power of its enormous patronage. The il

7.239.214 4,958,345 703,994

which, in the days of republican economy, were

9.654,596 9.557,034 1,248.310 1,090.341 true Democracy was content with the constitu1826.... 11.546.135 10,529,557 1.256,745 1.110.713

comparatively unimportant, certainly not alarmtional distribution of governmental powers; but 183).... 12.666,020 10,919,905 1579.724 1,363.62 1 ing-have amounted, in the aggregate, to the startthis false Democracy seeks to concentrate all such 1834.... 14,354,332 13,815,615 2,080,601 2.049.565 ling sum of more than ONE HUNDRED AND Sevenpowers in the chief Executive. The true Democ- 1837....

2,351.035 2.932.428 18-10.... 17,069,433 | 18,521,284 2,736,769

TEEN MILLION DOLLARS! whilst, for the whole

2,515,351 racy held that official fidelity consisted in a faith

1843-44
9.451,938

down to the close of 1844, 0,554,146

fifty-five previous years, ful and honest discharge of the duties of office; 1814-45.

2.369.652 2.639,470 the aggregate was less than sixty-five millions. but this false Democracy demands craven submis- 1813-16.

2,532,232 3.769,758 This exhibits modern Democratic economy! The sion to the will of the Executive. The true De- 1846–47. 21,293,003 42,298,067 2.570,338 3,910,190

advance in profligacy would be expected to keep 1817-18

2,617,802 2,535,455 mocracy held that the Representative should obey

1848-49.

2,865,196 3,111,140

pace with the advance towards sectionalism, and the will of his constituenis; but this false Democ- 1819-50.

3,027,454 7,023,450 the decadence of Democracy; and just so is the racy calls it heresy if he disregards the Executive 1850-51. 23,191,876 31,694,486 3,481,219 8,146,577 fact. behest. The true Democracy inculcated the high

1851-32

3,439,923 9,857.9:26

Under Mr. Polk's administration, at the incep1852-53.

4,265,861 12,246.335 duty of representative fidelity; but this false De

10.03-51.

4,621,493 13,461.4.30

tion of which sectionalism was inaugurated, the mocracy, with filthy bribes seeks the itching 1854-35.

6,350.875 16.738.412 miscellaneous expenses in four years were a frac. palm, and attacks with fierce denunciations, every

185.5-55.

6.452.256 15.250,475 tion over thirteen millions. Under Mr. Fillmore's,

1856-57. independent spirit.

28,406,974 58,368,582 7,611,547 18,916.189

(which, though classed politically as Whig, was Fidelity to ihe interests of the people is a just rule by which to test public officers of every grade, ordinary expenses of Government ought not to

It cannot require argument to prove that the

fully committed to the ruling southern policy,)

these expenses reached, in four ycars, more than and I propose to examine the policy of the late Administration by that rule.

increase as rapidly as population. But there is thirty-seren millions! And under Mr. Pierce's another consideration that should be borne in

Democratic (?) four years, they swelled to the Washington, in his Farewell Address, says: mind, viz: that the increase in the expenses for

monstrous sum of over SIXTY-FOUR MILLIONS ! "I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in "civil list"and" miscellaneous" should advance

As popular support began to be with held, the the Stale, with particular reference to the founding of them upon geographical discriminations. at a uniform rate, or nearly so; and it is impossi

public money must be used to maintain waning *** This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our na- ble to imagine how, with an honest and econom

power. Mr. Polk's first year's expenses were beturc, having its root in the strongest passions of the human ical administration of Government, the rate of in

tween three and four millions; Mr. Fillmore's first mind. It exists under diflerent shapes in all Governments; crease could vary much. These items are not af

year between seven and eight millions; and Mr. but in those of the popular form, is seen in its greatest rankness, add is truly their woRST ENEMY. fected by war or peace, and therefore with a pru

Pierce's first year between thirteen and fourteen * The alternate domination of one faction over another, dent management of public business, must keep

millions ! Mr. Fillmore's last year was five inilsharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissen- steadily along. But what are the facts in the case?

lions greater than his first; and Mr. Pierce's last sions, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful DESPOTISM.

The increase of population averages about thirty year was more than five millions greater than his BUT THIS LEADS AT LENGTH TO A MORE FORMAL AND PERthree per cent. in ten years. Now, from 1837 to

first. Would to God that I could now inform you

the amount of Mr. Buchanan's last year, but "time MANENT DESPOTISM."

1847, whilst our population increased thirty-three "Itserves always to distract the public councils, and enpercent., our expenses for "miscellaneous'' items

forbids." fiedle thic public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms. There is an increased forty per cent. From 1847 to 1857, the

It will be observed, if the table is examined, opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon increase of population was, as before, thirty-three

that, down to 1840, the expenses for “ Army, the administration of the Government, and serve to keep per cent.; but mark, the increase in miscellaneous

“Navy," "civil list," and " miscellaneous,"avalive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is expenses was more than four hundred and seventy

eraged about one dollar for each inhabitant. It probably true; and in governments of a inonarchical cast, patrio:ism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, five per cent.!

was a trifle more in 1840; but, for the year 1847, tipon the spirit of party. But in those of a popuiar charac

The miscellaneous expenses for the single year the expenses were $21,000,000 more than the popter, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be ending 30th June, 1857, exceeds, by more ihan

ulation, being just about double what the previous cncouraged." "A fire not to be two million dollars, the same expenses during

average had been. And in 1857, the last year of quenched, it demands a uniforin vigilanceto prerent its burstGeneral Jackson's two terms, making eight years.

Democratic economy, the expenses for the same ing into a flame, lest, instead of warming, IT SHOULD CONUre." The expenditures for this item of iniscellaneous

accounts had swelled to thie alarming sum of "It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a during Pierce's four years were $64,646,556. This,

$58,000,000! or $30,000,000 more than the popufree country should inspire caution in those intrusted with it must be remembered, is exclusive of Army and

lation ! its administration to confine themselves within their respectire CONSTITUTIONAL spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of Navy, and the civil list. This, too, is the account

I have neither time nor inclination to pursue the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. to which the money is charged that is used for

the details of this painful evidence of political deThe spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the power carrying elections and paying off party favorites.

generacy and corruption further. of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever Is it strange, when we calculate this enormous ex

I believe that the Pierce-Buchanan Administrathe form of government, A REAL DESPOTISM." penditure, that the Democratic party is so power

tions have no parallel in the history of this counThe policy of the present and preceding Ad. fuland self-sustaining? Will not $64,000,000 spent

try, in the boldness with which they have atministrations, fronı 1844, more than any previous in four years furnish a cement strong enough to

tempted to strike down the rights of the people. oncs, of whatever shade of political opinion, has hold such a patriotic and national party together?

The press has been muzzled by the public money been in confiict with the above advice of Wash- Is any one astonished, after knowing the amount

and official patronage. Public officers have been ington; and at this present time we experience of money expended, at the boldness with which

turned out, not because they did not support the the bitter consequences in rancorous party preju- that party asserts its ability to hold the powers

Administration, but because they would not be dice, under the blind influence of which men ap- of Government? This $64,500,000 spent by Pierce

active and efficient party tools. The purity of the pear to mistake their party for their country, in four years was necessary to pass the Kansas- ballot-box

has been corrupted by the usc of public Committed to the purposes of the minority, and Nebraska bill, and to carry the election of Mr.

money; offices have been distributed with the view regardless of popular interests, the modern De- Buchanan.

of carrying executive measures through Congress, mocracy has become, beyond comparison, ex- To get some idea of its magnitude, imagine that thereby corrupting the representative system; anú travagant and corrupt in the use of the public it exceeds the whole amount spent for miscel

to finish the aggravating picture, the Executive money.

laneous” account by the Government in forty. I is now using the whole power of the Government The true Democracy can always be found by the cight years, namely, from 1792 to 1840. It will be

under the false pretense of restoring peace to the standard of economy. It has always been one of remembered that in 1826 there was great excite- country, to complete, in one of the Territories of its important characteristics, and in former days ment about the profligacy of Mr. Adams's admin

the Union, the SUBJUGATION of American citizens ! was one of its proudest boasts. I have taken the istration, and afterwards a good deal about Mr.

ADMISSION OF KANSAS. pains to collect some statistics of expenditures, Van Buren's administration. But the forty-eight which, when presented to the public, will I think years above named include all the Administrations go far to enlighten the people as to the true char- to the end of Van Buren's. Mr. Pierce said in

SPEECH OF HON.J.W.STEVENSON, acter of this professed Democracy. his inaugural:

OF KENTUCKY, The annexed table exhibits the expenses of the “ In the adininistration of domestic affairs you expect a IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Government, for all purposes exclusive of public devored integrity to the public service,

and an observance debt, foreign intercourse, pensions, and Indian of rigid economy in all departments, so inarked as never

March 31, 1858. justly to be questioned. If this reasonable expectation be not department, for the several years therein stated, realized, I frankly consess that one of your leading hopes is

The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the and also the population at several periods. The doomed to disappointment, and that my efforts in a very im

state of the Union accounts, “civil list" and " miscellaneous," in- portant particular must result in a HUMILIATING FAILURE." Mr. STEVENSON said: clude sums expended for political purposes, and And then for commentary on that text spent more Mr. Chairman:Icongratulate you and the countherefore an examination of thosc tables will be money under the head of miscellancous, (that is, ll try that this bitter, protracted, and exciting strug

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