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was formed by a similar delegation from the various societies within the barony. Where the societies in the barony amounted to more than eight, two or more baronial committees were instituted, with the view of preventing any one committee from becoming too numerous. These committees were elected by ballot, once in three months, and the several subordinate committees reported their proceedings to the next highest committee, until the communication reached the national committee. At the head of this organization, comprehending half a million of persons, was an executive committee, of which Mr. Emmet was a member, and which was in effect a national government. Funds were raised by monthly subscriptions, and were paid into a national treasury. As the plan of organization was ma. tured, it became more apparent that force must be finally resorted to, and a military department was engrafted upon the civil department the latter part of the year 1796, and was mostly composed of the same persons. In order to avoid giving alarm, the ordinary denominations were preserved. The secretary of the primary societies was commonly the sergeant; the delegate from five societies to a baronial committee, was the captain, and the delegate to the next grade was a colonel,-These officers were elected, but all of a higher rank were appointed by the executive. Adjutant generals were also appointed by the executive, and through these all military communications were held with the counties. The several societies were thus formed into an organized military body, and each man was directed to pro

vide himself, as far as practicable, with arms, and the necessary munitions of war.

A military committee was formed in 1798, to prepare a plan of operations, and measures were taken to procure aid from France. This aid, however, was to be chiefly limited to arms and money. The number of troops asked for did not exceed 10,000 men. The committee was induced to ask for this small number of troops, because, first, they did not wish to excite any jealousy among their countrymen of foreign interference; and, secondly, they were unwilling to give to France too strong a footing in Ireland. Their object was to render Ireland independent under a republican government; and though desirous of the aid of France, they sought it as from an ally, and not as from a protector.

With these views Mr. Emmet joined the association of United Irishmen in 1796, and his talents and character soon obtained him a place in their chief executive committee. In taking this step he gave a most signal proof of his disinterested patriotism. His rank in society, and intellectual powers, would have secured to him the highest stations, had he chosen to join the court party. Fortunately for his true fame, he determined otherwise, and directed all his energies to obtain for his country her political and religious rights.

While in the executive, which was from January until May, 1797, and again from December until March, 1798, Mr. Emmet was most efficient in properly orga. nizing the association. Before, however, they were ready to declare themselves openly, the government discovered their inten

tions through the treachery of one Thomas Reynolds, who had so far obtained their confidence as to be appointed a provincial delegate from Leinster, and a colonel of a regiment.

In consequence of his disclosures immediate steps were taken to arrest the leaders, and on the twelfth of March, Oliver Bond, and twelve others, were taken into custody at Bond's house, and other distinguished friends of the revo. lution were arrested at the same time in other places. A proclamation was also issued, announcing the existence of the conspiracy, and the military authorities were authorized to employ the most summary measures to suppress it. Mr. Emmet of course was included among the number arrested, and was thrown, with many others, in the prison of Kilmainham, in Dublin.

This arrest of the leaders, how. ever, did not prevent the general rising, which took place on the 23d of May following, the day ap. pointed for that purpose. As the time approached, the dreadful notes of preparation were manifest in all parts of the country. In the interior the peasantry began to move in large masses to some central points. Night after night they were known to be proceeding along unfrequented roads to their places of rendezvous. The cabins through. out large tracts of country, were either deserted, or found to contain only women and children. The lower classes that were in the habit of flocking to the cities for employment were no longer to be found in their usual places of resort. A general consternation pre. vailed. Even the measures taken on the part of the government

promised no security. On the contrary, from their arbitrary and des. potic character, they only tended to exasperate the spirit of disaffection. Martial law was proclaimed, and the people were sent in droves to the prisons, until they could contain no more. Prison ships were then employed, and many of the con. spirators were informally executed, and many who were innocent were put to death in a summary manner. In this state of things, upon the appointed day the explosion took place. Deprived of their chosen leaders, the direction of the revolutionary movements fell into the hands of less competent men. After a short but sanguinary struggle, and some partial successes in the counties of Wexford and Wick. low, the insurgents were defeated, and entirely dispersed at the battle of Vinegar Hill, by the army under the command of General Lake, By the latter end of July the government had entirely succeeded in crushing the rebellion. Shortly after this a French army, about 1200 strong, under General Hum. bert, landed at Killala, on the north-west coast of Ireland, on the 12th of August. It was, however, too late to rally the Irish insurgents, and in less than a fortnight the French were compelled to surrender at discretion. This terminated the struggle for Irish independence, and we now return to the subject of our biography. During his confinement in Dublin prison, Mr. Emmet was treated with great severity, through the malignant disposition of the chie gaoler. Twenty of the state prisoners were confined in this prison, each in a room about twelve feet square, with a common hall, where, by the connivance of a subordi.

nate keeper, they were permitted to assemble after midnight, and where they remained until nearly the dawn of day, when they quietly retired to their several rooms. Mr. Emmet was denied all intercourse with his family; but his wife, being permitted to visit him towards the close of his imprisonment in Dublin, refused to quit the prison except with her husband.

She was peremptorily ordered to leave the room, but she positively refused, and remained with him during his confinement. It was ascertained that orders had been given to the keepers not to permit her to return, in case she left the room where her husband was confined. This order, how. ever, she never gave them an op. portunity of carrying into effect during the time of her husband's imprisonment in Dublin, except on one occasion, and then under peculiar circumstances. Her child, who had been left with Mr. Emmet's father, was dangerously ill, and upon appealing to the gaoler's wife, herself a mother, Mrs. Emmet was permitted to depart, at the hour of midnight, from the gaol, and the next night, at the same hour, was suffered to return to her husband without the know. ledge of the gaoler.

After Mr. Emmet and his companions had been imprisoned several months, and the insurrection was crushed, a movement was set on foot by Francis Dobbs, with the concurrence of Lord Charlemont, with the view of releasing the state prisoners from their confinement.

A proposition was accordingly made to them on the part of the Irish government, the latter part of July, 1798, with the view of ob. taining information from the pri

soners as to their ultimate designs and expectations in their revolu. tionary movements. At first the government demanded names, but as the prisoners unanimously refused to compromit any person, this demand was relinquished, and Mr. Emmet, Dr. M'Neven, and Mr. Arthur O'Connor, were ap pointed agents on the part of the prisoners to agree upon the terms of the convention. An arrange. ment was finally made, after some negotiation, by which the pri soners agreed to give to the government certain information respecting the intended alliance between the United Irishmen and France, and other information respecting the intended revolution, provided it did not implicate any individuals; and the government, on its part agreed, that a general amnesty should be granted to all suspected or accused of political offences, except such as were guilty of murder; and it was also stipulated, that this should not be construed to extend to the loss of life in battle. It was also mutually agreed, that the state prisoners should go to the United States.

On the 4th of Aug. accordingly, a memoir was delivered by the agents to the government, containing the promised disclosures. Lord Cornwallis professed to be dissatisfied with this, on account of its being a vindication of the course of the revolutionists.As the agents refused to alter it, a parol examination was resolved upon, before the secret committees of both houses of the Irish parliament. The deputies, consequently, were examined, and their examinations being committed to writing, the greater part thereof was pub. lished, with the view of justifying

the Irish government in its arbitrary measures, against a party aiming at independence and alliance with France.

The government admitted that the prisoners had complied with the agreement on their part; but as it was deemed inexpedient to liberate them at once, means were devised, on the part of the court, to prolong their imprisonment. At first, it was industriously circulated by the adherents of government, that the deputation had betrayed their political associates, by divulg. ing their names; but the uneasiness which this report occasioned, was soon quieted by an advertisement, under their own signatures, contradicting this statement.This advertisement they found means to convey to their friends still at large, and on the 27th of August it appeared in two of the Dublin newspapers. This bold and decided step on the part of the prisoners, exasperated the minis. ters, and they ordered the three agents to be debarred from all in. tercourse with their friends. They also resolved not to carry into effect the compact with the prisoners, and on the 16th of September, 1798, under pretence that the American minister had remonstrated against their being sent to the United States, they were told that they could not be permitted to leave their prison. Not many months after this deliberate breach of its plighted faith, the British government determined to remove Mr. Emmet and nineteen of his fellow prisoners to Fort George, on the northeastern coast of Scotland, to be held as hostages for the behaviour of their political associates still at large. Without any previous notice, they were accordingly

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removed to this fort, then under the command of Governor Stuart. After an ineffectual application to the Irish government, Mrs. Emmet obtained permission from the Bri. tish government to share the imprisonment of her husband, and remained with him until his final liberation.

During their residence at Fort George, the Irish prisoners were treated with great kindness by Governor Stuart, who told them, upon their arrival, that it was his intention to treat them like gentlemen. This footing was of course gladly acceded to, and Governor Stuart never had occasion to repent of a noble confidence which endeared him to the prisoners under his charge.

After the peace of Amiens, the government at last determined to carry into effect its agreement with the prisoners. A list of pardons was transmitted to governor Stuart, of all the prisoners but Mr. Emmet. Gov. Stuart sent for Mr. Emmet, and told him of this omis. sion; but could not give any infor. mation as to its being intentional or accidental. At length, the Governor told him that he would assume the responsibility of releasing him with the rest of the prisoners; and the next morning they were all discharged, and, with the excep tion of four, who were permitted to return to Ireland, they were conveyed in a frigate to the river Elbe, where they were landed near Hamburgh.

Mr. Emmet's health had been impaired by his long imprisonment; and, during his residence on the continent, he devoted himself to renovate his shattered constitution. The winter of 1802 was spent in Brussels, where he saw his gallant.

but ill fated brother, Robert Emmet, a short time before he embarked in that unfortunate enterprise which ended in his execution.

The following year he visited France, where he resided until 1804, when he determined to relinquish, as hopeless, any further effort in behalf of his oppressed country, and to seek an asylum in the United States.

He arrived in New-York the 11th of November, 1804. He was then about 40 years of age, with a large family, and his fortune much impaired in the course of his political career. After some delibe. ration between the two professions, for which he was equally well qualified, he determined in favour of the bar.

Having made an immediate de. claration of his intention to become a citizen, he repaired to Washington city, where he was admitted to the bar of the Supreme Court of the United States.

He now partly determined to remove to Ohio, as his future place of residence-a choice he was induced to make from the many advantages held out at that period in the western states for men of enterprise and talent.

George Clinton, then the governor of the state of New-York, hear. ing of this intention, sent for Mr. Emmet, and advised him to remain in the city of New-York. The fall of General Hamilton in a duel had left an opening at the bar, which Mr. Emmet was every way com. petent to fill, and he earnestly pressed him to remain.

Mr. Emmet replied, that he would gladly do so, but he was not able to comply with the rules of the court, requiring three years study

in the state, as a preliminary to admission to the bar.

Gov. Clinton told him, that that was not requisite; and that if the supreme court declined giving him a license, the legislature would authorize him to practise by a special law. An informal application was then made to the supreme court, and although some opposition was made to it, a license was granted him by the court, and Mr. Emmet commenced his career as an advo cate at the New-York bar.

Mr. Emmet soon became the head of the profession, and maintained that station until his death.

In 1807, indeed, he lost many of his clients in consequence of interfering in the politics of the country; but his ability, assiduity, learning, zeal, and eloquence, finally triumphed over the political preju. dices of the day; and although he identified himself with the demo. cratic party, many of his best clients were of opposite politics.

In 1812, the council of appoint. ment conferred on him the office of Attorney General of the state. This selection was made, not with the view of augmenting his professional distinction, but to enable the state to avail itself of his talents in the prosecution of an offence deeply implicating the honour of the legislature. A strong suspicion prevailed, that improper means had been used to procure the incorporation of certain monied institutions; and an indictment was found against one of the prominent agents.

Upon the trial of this cause, in the county of Chenango, an attempt was made to excite a prejudice against Mr. Emmet, who, as Attorney General, conducted the prosecution. But the attempt recoiled

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